By Prof.dr. Sabile Keçmezi-Basha. Translation Petrit Latifi.

Serbian pressure, violence and terror against Albanians in general, and those of Kosovo in particular, has a long history, a multifaceted range of action and specific forms of application, always adapting to the possible circumstances of implementation. In these long centuries, Albanians experienced political violence, spiritual violence and material violence.

All these forms of barbaric Serbian violence had as their object physical and spiritual repression, they had the suppression of the Albanian substance, national feelings and their spiritual and human values, with the only substantive goal, the expulsion and ethnic cleansing of Albanians from these lands[1].

Although many Serbian programs and elaborates against Albanians and Albania were written in the earliest times of historical periods, but which always seem current, if we judge what has happened in Kosovo and Yugoslavia in general even in recent years, starting from the years 1968, 1981, 1989 and with the last war in Kosovo in 1999. However, their application came to expression especially after the Second World War in the “New” socialist state, committing genocide and unprecedented crimes.

The anti-Albanian programs were not only applied in the most perfidious ways, but the hatred went even further to the point that the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts was also involved in them, writing and specifying how and in what way the Albanians should be eliminated from their lands[2] is written in all Serbian programs and elaborates of the time.

Much has been written about the division, usurpation, displacement, and elimination of Albanians by prominent Serbian intellectuals, but even more is being written now. But after the end of the LDB, with the annexation of Kosovo to Serbia, Serbian programs were institutionally introduced into the system and completely legalized. Later, everything that was done and the misery that the Albanian people experienced in Yugoslavia were the product of anti-Albanian programs.

Through these programs, Serbian and hegemonic politics aimed to achieve what was foreseen in historical continuity in the projects prepared by politicians such as Garašanin[3], Qubrilloviq[4], Andriq[5], Vukotic[6], Jankovic[7], and even the spiritual inspirer of hatred of all non-Serbs, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences at the end of the 20th century.

Before the war even ended (1945), in Kosovo, the Military Administration Power in Kosovo was established at the time when the highest bodies of the PKJ and LANÇ decided that Kosovo, as an autonomous unit, would be annexed to the Republic of Serbia. This coincidence was not accidental, it was closely related to the tasks that lay before it.

The goals of this power were:

1. The military administration aimed to deny the Albanians the achievements and rights that they had achieved during the war,
2. To impose on them the elections that had been designed for them in the federal arrangement of post-war Yugoslavia.
3. It had the task of preventing by all means the outbreak of discontent among the Albanians, which could even lead to a general popular uprising,
4. To break the resistance of the Albanian people that had begun in different parts of Kosovo.
5. In case of need, to prevent the intervention of the Albanian Army that would come to the aid of Kosovo, and
6. The Military Administration was justified on the pretext that it was supposedly established to fight the Albanian “counter-revolutionary” forces in Kosovo[8].

The military administration in Kosovo was established on February 8, 1945, at the proposal of J.B. Tito[9] and all this was also conceived as a reorganization of the existing military formations in Kosovo and was accompanied by the formation of new brigades and divisions, the undertaking of measures to break the resistance in Kosovo as quickly as possible, which was organized in some parts of it.

During the existence of the military government, the main attention was focused on the removal of contingents of young Albanians from these regions, who for this reason were sent to the north of Yugoslavia, or to the ranks of the “labor brigades”[10]. The path that these young men took was very difficult, due to the pressures of the Yugoslav headquarters.

Numerous changes were made in the organization of the military units, in the commanding staff of these units and in the sections of the regional headquarters. Serbian and Montenegrin cadres were appointed to lead them, who were in many cases called from other regions of Yugoslavia. Fadil Hoxha, who at that time was the commander of the Main Staff, and then of the Operational Staff of Kosovo, was dismissed from his post.

Dušan Vukotic, who until then had been the deputy commander of the Yugoslav 46th Division, was appointed Chief of the Rear. Stevo Dobërković,[11] who was sent by the Main Staff of Serbia, was appointed Chief of the Rear.

It is from these changes that were made to the military leadership in Kosovo that it emerges that none of the Albanians were appointed in the new reorganization. , the purpose of the military administration is also self-evident. The Military Administration Command was given full authorizations, while for all actions it was accountable only to the Supreme Commander[12].

With the beginning of the action of the military power in Kosovo, the genocide against the innocent Albanian population took the form of ordinary life, the people began to live in anxiety, for the days to come.

Meanwhile, on February 19, 1945 (11 days after the military administration was established), in Pristina, OZNA and the military called a meeting of the Provincial Committee of the PKJ and decided that the party organization of Kosovo would join the party organization of Serbia[13]. For all these undertakings, the people and even the membership were not consulted at all.

But, even if they were consulted, the representation of Albanians in the ranks of the PKJ was very small. From this it follows that after the war the national aspirations of the Albanian people in the former Yugoslavia were not taken into account, but were suppressed by violence and terror.

The leadership of the PKJ and Serbian politics exploited both the relations that were created between the PKJ and the AKP, as well as the slogans of “brotherhood, cooperation and internationalism”, to realize their predatory goals towards Albania and the Albanian people[14], which were manifested even later.

If we examine in detail the military (LANÇ) and party (PKJ) documents, we draw conclusions that Kosovo as an autonomous unit was not born after 1945, but its autonomy was found much earlier. During all the years of the war, it had equal rights, like the other republics of the former Yugoslavia[15]. However, what is the truth, the Albanian people never looked with “admiration” at the new power that had dawned on Kosovo without its will.

Even in party documents of the time it is stated that Albanians had difficulty accepting membership in the ranks of the PKJ. Let us assume that in March 1945 alone, there were 1020 PKJ members in Kosovo, of whom only 328 were Albanians, or 33% of the total number[16]. The national composition also varied in the district party committees. After the war, the party organization in Kosovo was divided into seven district party committees. Only in the Gjakova district party committee, the secretary of the organization was an Albanian, Xhevdet Hamza[17].

On May 8-13, 1945, the Founding Congress of the Serbian Communist Party was held in Belgrade. In it, in addition to the statement that “the issue of national minorities has been resolved”[18], which was made by the political secretary of the PKJ Provincial Committee for Kosovo – Gjoka Pajkoviqi. Among other things, he had also mentioned the weaknesses and numerous mistakes that were made against the people of Kosovo.

At this same gathering, Aleksandër Ranković, the man most attested to the crimes he had committed against the Albanians[19], also spoke about the same mistakes. These two testimonies came from those who spared nothing for the liquidation of the Albanians. The question then arises, why did they do this?!

To ease their conscience, or to hide other massacres that were carried out in the most insidious way, in the night of history. The latter is much closer to the mind, and many liquidations and mass graves of Albanians speak in its favor, such as in Drenica, Gjilan, Peja, Gjakova, Prizren, for which none of the competent authorities took responsibility.

The plans for Kosovo and other Albanian territories were to Serbize and Slavize them, so immediately after the “liberation” Serbs and Montenegrins were hastily appointed to key leadership positions in Kosovo, both in courts and elsewhere.[20] The Provincial Court was abolished and, at the direct request of Dušan Mugoša, four district courts were established: in Peja, Prizren, Priština and Gjilan (with headquarters in Ferizaj), where all four court presidents were Serb-Montenegrins: Petar Šoškić, Dragutin Jakić, Voja Stanković and Svetozar Nedić [21]. Serbs and Montenegrins also dominated the Provincial Council, the Provincial Committee and every other place of political importance.

Kosovo, crushed by military rule, on 8-10 July 1945 would reach the Second Conference of the National Council for Kosovo, which was held in Prizren. As is now well known, this conference was held under pressure and under the threat of gunfire. The majority of the delegates were Serbs and Montenegrins, but to confuse the Albanian delegates they had put white plisas[22] on their heads.

In an arbitrary manner, this assembly declared illegal and corrected the centuries-old will and aspirations of the people of Kosovo, expressed at the First Conference of the National Council for Kosovo and the Dukagjini Plain, held in the village of Bunjaj in the Gjakova Highlands (December 31, 1943-January 1 and 2, 1944).

The conference was held in times of war and precisely at the time when the other nations of Yugoslavia also established the highest organs of power emerging from the LANÇ, at a time when each nation was realizing according to its desire and will the right to self-determination, but for the Albanians, in all likelihood, these principles did not apply.

DuFollowing in the footsteps of Albanian nationalism, the Bunjan meeting (December 31, 1943 and January 1 and 2, 1944) defined the unification of Albanian lands as a major goal. These decisions that were taken at this meeting were not a manifestation of any extreme nationalism, although later its decisions were not respected.

The right of self-determination of the Albanian people for the war and the sacrifice they made was not taken into account[23]. The subsequent period proved that this fragmentation was the main source of dissatisfaction that occurred in the Albanian population.

All these injustices rightly created dissatisfaction among the Albanians. For this reason, a faster and better organization was expected by patriots and intellectuals. In this period and under this constant pressure, nationalist forces emerged and operated in an organized manner, through illegal organizations, articulating their primary and supreme goals and demands, which were: the Liberation of Kosovo and unification with Albania.

Although the Yugoslav government knew the goals of Albanian nationalism, it propagated that these organizations were hostile, nationalist, separatist, and that they were operating unsuccessfully, encouraged by Western countries. At these critical moments in history, Albanian nationalism still possessed a human potential in both political, economic and military aspects, which after numerous injustices was being put into action to change the situation.

After the reoccupation of Kosovo and the Dukagjin Plain (1945), the need for the involvement of the broad popular masses in general was greatly felt, and interest in the Albanian population in particular was expressed. The Yugoslav authorities and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia itself were interested in carrying out their usurping intentions against Kosovo in the most peaceful and possible way and in quietly implementing their previous plans for the annexation of Kosovo[24].

The political and military situation was followed with special attention in Albania, but in particular the movements and positions of Albanian nationalists in Kosovo were followed. The Yugoslav leaders were informed of the formation of the Albanian National-Democratic Committee[25].

They sensed the danger and were informed of the support that the Albanian population in Kosovo was giving them by protecting them and joining the organization in large numbers. Seeing this danger, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia proposed that a mass political organization of Albanians be formed in Kosovo that would operate on the basis of the Platform of the Joint National Liberation Front of Kosovo-Metohija.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, or rather its Bureau in Belgrade, approved the decision to form the National Committee of Albanians of Kosovo and Metohija[26]. The order came from above that this organization should be formed as soon as possible, and in this way the opportunity would be created for the involvement of Albanians and their mobilization for the implementation of the Platform of the Joint National Liberation Front of Yugoslavia.

The announcement of the position on the formation of the National Committee of Albanians of Kosovo and the Dukagjin Plain was undertaken by Miladin Popović and Fadil Hoxha, Milovan Gjillasi and Aleksander Ranković. Regarding the formation of the KNSHKD, a game of complete deceit was also played, because an unprecedented confusion was created among the Albanian population of Kosovo.

For people who were not well informed, the conviction was created that the Albanian National Democratic Committee was the same committee that operated under the patronage of the PKJ. Therefore, it is not surprising why the membership of Albanians was extremely large. Immediately after this stay in Kosovo and the Dukagjini Plain, preparations began.

Albanian rallies were held in districts and large centers in all areas where Albanians lived. At the mass meetings, information was provided on the political situation and delegates were elected for the main gathering of the National Committee of Albanians. The request of the authorities was that all delegates proposed for this Founding Conference should be Albanians with a communist orientation and be oriented towards the Albanian National Liberation Front.

The Founding Conference of the National Committee of Albanians was held on March 27 and 28, 1945 in Prishtina. Over 400 delegates from all areas of Kosovo and Dukagjini participated in it. Representatives from the UNÇJ Operational Headquarters and the AP for Kosovo and Metohija, the Provincial National Liberation Council for Kosovo and Metohija participated in it.

At the conference, many political speeches were read by the leaders of the army and the CPY[27]. It also set out the tasks of the KNSH, which were: To help the Albanian people to exploit the fruits of the LNC; for national affirmation, for social liberation, for political, cultural, and educational advancement, to learn about the history and culture of the Albanian people, to help the organs of popular power in solving all problems in the spirit of the interests and demands of the people. It looked good on paper and was very tempting.

the promises of the rulers had been sincere.[28] The facts prove that at that time, under the conditions of military power in Kosovo and other Albanian territories, the Albanian National Committee was created for deceptive effects on the domestic and international level.[29] Through such a maneuver of such organizations, several goals were intended to be achieved:

1. To confuse and in a way to calm the Albanian masses dissatisfied with the political developments in Kosovo, whose escalation into an open war front was expected at any moment.
   
2. To make the Albanian armed forces that were fighting inside Yugoslavia think that everything was in order in Kosovo and the Albanians who had their own legal organization that included all Albanians and through it defended their national goals.
   
3. The tensions that reigned in the northern part of Albania, such as in Shkodra, Tropoja, and Pogradec, districts that were included in the so-called advanced “strategic line” of the former Yugoslavia, from where, as before, the aim was for dominance on the Albanian coast of the Adriatic.
   
4. That it was also the most important point that through the formation of the KNSH, the conviction was created in international opinion and in the Great Allied Powers that Yugoslavia constitutes the “model of democratic solution” of the national question in accordance with the international acts adopted during the war and in the future[30].

The conference, which lasted two days, finally elected the Plenum of the KNSH of 100 people and the Secretariat of 10 people, in which were elected: Fadil Hoxha – chairman, Rifat Berisha – first vice-chairman, Hasan Kryeziu – second vice-chairman, Xhavit Nimani – secretary and members: Mehmet Hoxha, Kolë Shiroka, Rexhep Butovci, Mumin Jakupi, Nexhip Beqa and Pajazit Hamiti.

The conference also elected a delegation that would go to Belgrade and meet with Josip Broz Tito, to present all the demands and all the problems that the Albanian people were facing[31] at the end of the war.

The Provincial Committee of the CPY for Kosovo and Metohija, in order to have an influence on the Albanian youth, decided that within the framework of the KNSH, the organization of the Albanian Youth for Kosovo and Metohija would also be formed. The Founding Conference was held on April 30, 1945.

At the Founding Conference of the Albanian Youth, the organizational structure was also determined. At the provincial level, there was the Conference and the Provincial Council of the Albanian Youth, while in the districts: plenums, councils and secretariats. At the Conference, its leadership was also elected: chairman – Xhafer Vokshi, Nexhat Basha – vice chairman, Ramadan Vraniqi – secretary, Safete Nimani – treasurer. Members of the Presidency were elected: Mehmet Shoshi, Kadri Reufi, Sadete Bekteshi, Asllan Fazlia, Mustafa Shala, Tafil Hoxha, Murteza Luzha, Izedin Osmani and Riza Azemi.[32]

Throughout its activity, the Provincial Council of the Albanian Youth played a major role in raising awareness of the Albanian issue in those years. Its main organ was the “Voice of Albanian Youth” which was published in June 1945.

The activities of the National Committee of Albanians, over the years, had also lost its importance because it slowly withdrew from political duties and had a secondary role compared to other political organizations. It operated as an independent organization until 1953, but in that year it merged with the Socialist League of the Working People of Kosovo and Metohija.

In the LSPP, its activities continued as a special commission that dealt mainly with the issue of tradition, culture and national history, but without neglecting the activity of blood reconciliation, according to Albanian tradition[33]. Later, the work in the form of a commission was also discontinued, giving it an institutional character, and it was transformed into the Albanological Institute on June 1, 1953. But seeing the importance and influence of the Institute, the government bodies closed it on December 25, 1955, only to reopen it on February 28, 1967.

As was known, the Albanological Institute during the time of Yugoslavia had many ups and downs on its path. On March 8, 1994, the Institute’s building was forcibly taken, expelling and torturing the scientists who were in it. Although it experienced these atrocities, the research and scientific work never stopped, and in June 1999, the Albanological Institute returned to normal scientific life and work.

Josip Broz Tito received the Albanian delegation on April 4, 1945, in Belgrade, and held a marathon meeting with them regarding the political situation in Kosovo and their rights to self-determination[34]. Seeing the political developments of the first months of 1945, the genocide and unprecedented terror against the innocent Albanian population in many parts of Kosovo, the delegation of the National Council of Kosovo takes the position that the issue of Kosovo should be discussed openly with Tito himself.

Because, during the war, it had been promised and said many times about the self-determination of peoples. Based on these promises, the Albanian people actively participated in the war for liberation from fascism, and for the unification of Albanian lands into a single state. The visit of the Albanian delegation to Belgrade took place on April 4, 1945, and according to the documents it was stated that the main topic was the future status of Kosovo and the agrarian question.

The delegation included: 1. Mehmet Hoxha (Gjakova), 2. Halim Spahija (Prizren), 3. Mehmet Krileva (Gnjilane), 4. Qamil Luzha (Gjakova), 5. Demë Taraku (Peja), 6. Ahmet Nishku, 7. Ahmet Nallbani (Prizren), 8. Hilmi Zariqi (Drenica), 9. Rifat Berisha (Drenica), 10. Ismajl Hoxha (Kaçanik), 11. Ahmet Efendia (Mitrovicë), 12. Xhevat Sojev (Gnjilane), 13. Vesel Rexhepi (Gnjilane), 14. Kolë Delhysa (Prizren), 15. Ibrahim Cërnilla (Gadime), 16. Ahmet Salihu (Prishtina), 17. Ukë Sejdi Grabanica, 18. Emrush Miftari, 19. Sheh Danjolli, 20. Dushan Mugosha, 21. Hasan Kryeziu, 22. Ahmet Shushka (Priština District), 23. Muharrem Pasha (Peć) and 24. Simo Vasilević, treasurer (Prizren)[35].

The delegation composed of these persons was determined to demand from Tito the fulfillment of the Albanians’ demands for self-determination, with the exception of three people. The participants who took the floor openly expressed their concern about what was being prepared.

Direct questions and answers were given by the patriot Halim Spahia. After J.B. Tito’s reasoning “That they had agreed (J.B. Tito) with Enver Hoxha that due to the danger that would threaten the fruits of the LNC from the Albanian reaction in Kosovo and Northern Albania, Kosovo would temporarily remain part of the New Yugoslavia”[36].

At that time, Halim Spahia had submitted the request for the creation of a separate, unique Republic for the Albanians remaining in Yugoslavia. However, this request was also opposed by J.B. Tito and the highest Yugoslav and Serbian leaders, on the grounds that Albanians had no right to have their own republic in Yugoslavia, as they were not a nation, but a national minority.[37]

After these harsh retorts from Halim Spahija to the top Yugoslav and Serbian leadership, he left the meeting, publicly declaring the results of this historic meeting on the future of Kosovo in front of the entire crowd waiting in front of the residence, with these words: “I am informing you that from today Kosovo has been sold.” The head of the Kosovo Albanian delegation, Mehmet Hoxha, tried to convince Halim Spahija to go together to the Presidium of Serbia to sign the entry of Kosovo into Federal Serbia.

However, Halim Spahia, without guessing, addressed the members of the delegation who were there with these words: “We came to J.B. Tito to present our determined demands that were not taken into consideration and we do not have to go to the Presidium of Serbia, or anywhere else in Belgrade. Come on, men, let’s go to our Kosovo as soon as possible, because great and extremely urgent tasks await us for the future of our nation.”[38]

They (the Albanian delegation) had prepared seven written demands, which they handed over to Tito, and in those points they demanded:

1. The agrarian law to be improved
2. The administration to be maintained in the Albanian language in Kosovo
3. Teachers to be brought from Albania to Kosovo
4. The sale of lands that were made with threats by the Serbs should not be accepted
5. Innocent prisoners should be pardoned
6. The use of the National Flag should be guaranteed and
7. The right to self-determination[39]

The first five (5) points, according to a statement by Qamil Luzha, were accepted by Tito, but the last two he publicly rejected, and from this it was very clear what awaited the Albanians.

At the Third Conference of the CPJ for Kosovo and Metohija, Blagoje Neshkoviqi denied any participation of Albanians in the LANÇ, saying: “You in Kosovo and in the Dukagjini Plain do not have anyone who does not have a rifle and these people can be led to an uprising at any moment”, to continue further that “as for political victory, it is clear that it cannot even be spoken of, because we are quite far from it. The people are not with us. We see that the Albanians in the largest number are against the National Liberation Movement[40].

References

[1 ]Ismail Gashi Slovenia: Serbian Violence in the Lypjan Region (I), //pashtriku.org/?kat=63&shkrimi=1481

[2] Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Serbian Anti-Albanian Programs and Elaborates (1), Prishtina, Epoka e Re, 9 January 2014.

[3] “Načertanje” is the platform of Ilija Garašanin created on the basis of the Holy Serbian Doctrine. “Načertanje” was specifically based on the program of extermination and expulsion of Albanians by force in accordance with the reactions of the external international opinion. This special war platform has served as the program plan of Pashiq, Krajl Nikolla, Qubrilloviqi, Andriqi, Rankoviqi, Mugosha, Tempo, Jovici, Trajkoviqi, Milosevic. The Nečertanie Plan created by Ilia Garašanin was a platform that aimed at the extermination of Albanians as well as the annexation of many territories of the Balkans such as (Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, northern Albania [which included Kosovo] then Srem-, Backa and parts of Austria-Hungary. Garašanin wrote that this “sacred right of history” belonged to the Serbs and was based on the 14th century Dušan’s empire. This plan of Garašanin was based on preparing the population of these areas for unification with Serbia.

[4] Vasa Qubrillović’s Elaborate was published on March 3, 1937, and it provided instructions on how best to carry out the mass extermination of Albanians – genocide as a method that had been used against Albanians in 1878 in Toplica, which had succeeded in the colonial, extermination policy against Albanians.

[5] On January 1, 1939, Ivo Andriqi would join the anti-Albanian campaign with a Program (Elaborate), not only for the liquidation of Albanians in Yugoslavia, but for the division of Albania in cooperation with fascist Italy. Let us not forget that Ivo Andriqi was then the Yugoslav ambassador in Berlin.

[6] Another chauvinist working in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs named Ivan Vukotić would compile an elaborate, for the occupation of all of Albania.

[7] This was followed by J. Janković’s Program for the method of establishing Serbian power in coastal Albania

[8] Lefter Nasi, Reconquest of Kosovo- September 1944- July 1945, Tirana 1994, p. 162

[9] AVIH, k. 1411 no. Regj. 14/4, Very reserved Order. No. 13.8 February 1945 of the Supreme Commander of the UNC and the JNA, Josip Broz Tito

[10] Krsto Filipović, Military Administration in Kosovo 1945 (stenographic notes), 308. Ivan Antonovski, Formation and Development of the Military Administration, Belgrade, 1990, 66

[11] Viqentije Đorđević, Organization and Development of the Party in Kosovo and Metohija 1945-1952, (“The Working Class of Mitrovica and the Surroundings in the Workers’-Communist Movement”), Mitrovica, 1979, 562

[12] Savo Dërlević, Military Administration in Kosovo, Belgrade 1986, 79

[13] Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Traces of Autonomy, Rilindja, 21 April 1986, Prishtina

[14] Lefter Nasi, On the Political and Legal Status of Kosovo after the War Second World War, (The Kosovo Issue, a Historical and Current Problem), Tirana 1996, 220

[15]ASHAK, PKJ for Kosovo and Metohija, 1945, d. Fourth Provincial Conference of PKJ for Kosovo and Metohija, Pristina, 1945; Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Traces of Autonomy, Rilindja, 21 April 1986, Pristina.

[16] Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Historical Development of PKJ-LKJ in Kosovo 1945-1966, Pristina, 1987, 255-266

[17]AIHK, d. 3314, The organizational situation of the PKS for Kosovo and Metohija in the District of Gjakova, 1945

[18] Speech by Gjoka Pajković, (secretary of the Provincial Committee for Kosmet, peasant, member of the PKJ since 1935), at the Founding Congress of the Communist Party of Serbia, 8-13 May 1945, Belgrade, Archive of the Central Committee of the PKJ-LKJ, Documents from the PKS Congress, 1945

[19] Osnivački Kongres KPS, Belgrade 1972, p. 158-159: Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Old and new mistakes of the Yugoslav government towards the Albanians, Zëri, June 1985.

[20] Shaban Braha, The Great Serbian Genocide and Albanian Resistance 1844-1990, Gjakova 1991, 480. AIH, p-56, Rilindja, no. 22.6.1946 Prizren

[21]Narodni Odbor Autonomne Kosovsko-Metohiske Oblasti 1943-1953, Prishtina 1955, 75: Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Punishments of Albanians in former Yugoslavia (1945-1990), Zëri, 24 January 2009

[22] Kadri Rexha, Fati i luleve (Rruga jejetsore e writeri dhe patriotit Jusuf Gërvalla), Prishtina 1993, 34

[23]Vladimir Dedijer, Novo prilozi za biografiu Josipa Broza Tita, Belgrade 1984, 1065

[24]Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Politika programet e Lëvizjes Kombëtare Shqiptare 1878-1990, feuilleton, Epoka e Re, Prishtina 23 March-15 May 2013

[25] Sabile Keçmezi-Basha, Formation of the National Committee of Albanians in Kosovo, 27-28 March 2945, Fejton Epoka e Re, 17-19 August 2017

[26] Ibid.; ASHAK, Fondi:Fronti Popullor, K-2.

[27] Newspaper “Rilindja”, 5 April 1945.

[28] Fehmi Pushkolli, Formation of the National Committee of Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija and its activities until July 1945, Magazine “Kosova”, no. 13/14, I.H. Prishtinë, 1985, 141

[29] Report by Blagoje Neshkoviqi (secretary of the Regional Committee of the KPJ Committee for Serbia (doctor), member of the KPJ 1935), O politićkoj situacije u Serbiaji, Vojvodina i Kosovo i Metohija, AKQS, d. Founding Congress of the PKS 1945; More in detail: Osnivački Kongres KP Serbije, Belgrade 1972, 44-47

[30] Gazeta Zëri, no. 1395, Prishtina, 23 March 1991, 30-31.

[31] Gazeta “Jedinstvo”, no. 5, Prishtina 12 April 1945.

[32] ASHAK, Fondi, Fronti Popullor, K-1, 2. Prishtina.

[33] People’s Council of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija 1943-1953, Pristina, 1954.

[34]Gazeta Politike, (The first Albanian delegation meeting with J.B. Tito), Belgrade, 7 April 1945

[35]People’s Council of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija 1943-1953, Pristina 1955, 20

[36]Osnivački Kongres KP Serbia, Belgrade 1972, 39, 73

[37]Ibid.

[38] Nuri Bashota, Halim Spahia… work cited, 197

[39] Hakif Bajrami, Serbian Policy for the Recolonization of Kosovo with Slavs 1945-1948, Prishtina 2002, 120

[40] Papers of Blagoje Neshkoviqi, delivered at the Third Conference of the SC for Kosovo and Metohija, March 1945

Source

https://pashtriku.org/situata-politike-ne-kosove-1945-1948/