Balkan Academia

Balkan Academia

Quotes and citations

“Thanks to the reports sent to the National Defense Committee of Kosovo in Shkodër from February 17 to 25, 1919, the tally of those killed and massacred in Plavë and Guci amounted to 844 people. Then it was reported that Serbs and Montenegrins had burned Plava and Rugova and about 15,000 Albanians had fled to the mountains. Those who could not escape due to age or illness were all massacred. (H. Muja, In the Religion of the First, p. 258).

“Based on data from the Kosovo Committee in Plavë e Guci, the killing of Albanians continued the following year, 1920, giving data of 537 deaths. (Ibid., 259.). While according to another source, in the period January to February 1919, 12,373 Albanians were killed in Kosovo and over 8,000 Albanians moved to Turkey (F. Buçinca-F. Dibrani, “Serb atrocities in Vushtrri and surroundings” 1919-1956, p. 87) .”

“Just during the Serbian Army’s combat operations against the Ottoman Empire in Sanjak and Niš at the end of 1877, the military command distributed a proclamation which stated, among other things: “The more you Albanians move, the greater your merits are in the homeland” (Uka, 1991:66)”

“To emphasize the systematic violence exercised by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the three priests, Fr. John Bisaku, Don Shtjefën Kurti and Don Luigj Gashi, drafted a ʺMemorandum about the position of the Albanian People in the Kingdom of Yugoslaviaʺ, which was sent to the Association of Nations in Geneva and in all the chancellery offices in Europe.”1

“The territory of the Kingdom of Serbia increased from 48,000 to 87,000 km2, and the population increased from three million to around 4.3 to 4.4 million. Of course, the Serbs were only a minority in both Kosovo and Macedonia. What was more crucial for the history of the 20th century was that the first “ethnic cleansings” took place in the course of the Balkan Wars, such as numerous atrocities committed by Serbian troops against the Albanian civilian population.”2

“With the deployment of the III Serbian Command in Skopje, the killing, rape, torture and burning of the Albanian villages and neighbourhoods of Skopje and the surrounding area began. Dom Zef Ramaj described all these acts of the Serbian Army in details by, writing about the deviant actions of the Balkan states against the innocent Albanian population during 1912‐ 1913 in the city of Skopje. In the last days of March 1913, in the German‐ speaking newspapers ʺAllgemeiner Tiroler Anzeigerʺ and ʺReispostʺ, titled ʺDie Serbische Unmenschlichkeit in Albanienʺ, Dom Zef Ramaj from Skopje stated that: ʺAt the moment I can not to send you a detailed report. Keep in mind, we are in a state of war … you can not imagine what was sinned against our compatriots in this war … my heart is full of what I can write to you. I’d rather die than see Albania in its current situation.”2

“The British attitude in the Albanian question seen by French diplomacy “(…) The English position in the Albanian question seems to me to be the following: 1. Recent reports portray the Serbs as having pursued a campaign of destruction and massacres. The reports outraged Mr Lloyd George and Lord Curzon. They are further known to Lord Cecil and a certain group of Members of the Commons who urge their Government to resolve the issue without delay Albanian.
2. It appears that Foreign Office is convinced that the Serbs would ignore the request of evacuation formulated by the Conference, just as they ignored the previous warnings.
3. They [the British, n. n.] seem to have acted independently of the Italians; they have expressed the fear that if the Serbs advance further, the Italians will take possession of part of Albania.”3

“He who does not know how to take revenge will never be admitted into paradise”
– Serbian proverb.4

“Serbian authorities responded to the fighters “by rounding up numerous extended families of up to fifty members and detaining them all together under penalty of death until their “outlaw” relatives surrendered.” (Vickers, 1998, p. 101)”.

“Arresting and sequestering the wives of Kaçak leaders was a particularly effective war technique, given that these actions defied the code of honor (Malcolm, 1998, p. 247)”

“In 1910, the Young Turk government sent armies to quell revolts and disarm the population: in the mountainous regions of Albania, this program made it possible to collect 147,525 weapons (Malcolm, 1998, p. 242)”

“In order to implement this anti-Albanian policy, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia carried out systematic state terror, both economically and politically, with the sole goal of ethnic cleansing of Albanians from their ancestors.” (K 09, 68) “To create fear, the Yugoslav government organized Chetnik gangs commanded by well-known criminals, such as Milić Krstić, Kosta Pećanac, etc.” (K 12, 82)”


International quotes and citations
“Albanians, the oldest people of the region, who lived under different rulers and feudal lords, they also maintained a degree of ethnic consciousness.”5

“In the fall of 1918, actions to disarm the Albanian population resulted in the destruction of several villages (Janjetović, 2005: 111). In 1919-1920, several Albanian insurrections were suppressed (Tasić, 2008: 229-278). Families of insurgents are deported to internment camps and have their properties confiscated. Albanian political representatives (Kosovo Committee, supported in the first place by Italy) deplore thousands of victims and houses burned: the figures vary between 6,000 and 100,000 victims (Janjetović, 2005: 113). Data from the Ministry of the Interior for the period between 1918 and 1923 indicate approximately 600 victims among the gendarmes (Jovanović, 2007: 15)”

“The procedure was as follows: The Servian commandant would inquire, “What kind of a man is this?” The answer was simply either “good” or “bad.” No inquiry was made into our characters; there was no defense and no discussion; if one member of the commission said “bad,” that sufficed to condemn the prisoner. Each member of the commission had his own enemies whom he wished to destroy, and therefore did not oppose the wishes of his fellow members. When sentence was pronounced the prisoner stripped of his outer clothes and bound, and his money was taken by the Servian commander. I was pronounced “good,” and so perhaps were one-tenth of the prisoners. Those sentenced were bound together by threes, and taken to the slaughter house; their ears and noses were often cut off before they were killed. This slaughter went on a month; I believe that from three to four thousand Moslems were killed in the town and the neighboring villages.”


“Under the guise of interest in preserving the Yugoslav state, the Constitution from In 1974 – which was unsustainable from the Serbian point of view, was abolished – and Kosovo to be more closely tied to Serbia again. […] Since with the help of the “cleaning method” pro-Albanian politicians were removed, critical intellectuals were intimidated by high prison sentences and public life was subordinated to the military administration, the leadership from Belgrade – which was under Serbian influence – created political preconditions for the final solution of the “Serbian question”.
– Fe Rauert.3


“The first Yugoslav kingdom was a Greater Serbian one. A state that subjugated other nations; in the case of the Albanian group of people in the south it is went all the way to genocidal persecution.”
“The years between 1981 and 1998 was build on the first phase Yugoslav policy towards Kosovo under A. Rankovic. Main characteristics were continuous “ethnic” cleansing in Kosovo, as well as brutal oppression of the Albanian population”4
– Johan G. Rajsmiller, Balkan history expert.


“According to the Peace Treaty of Saint Germain in 1919, the SKS (State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) had an obligation to “protect the interests of all residents (Albanians) who differ from the majority of residents by their race, language or religion”, according to article 51. However, since the SKS state disputed the existence of the Albanian minority, they advocated the position that those protection provisions applies only to the newly annexed areas of the kingdom, while the territories which was conquered by Serbia in 1913, and which includes Kosovo, are not covered by this.”5


“The Serbian expansionist policy of the 19th century was based on racist ideology, illusions, medieval myths and Slavic-Orthodox fundamentalism.”6


“Based on a belief that is deeply rooted in nationalist “Serbian psychology” and that everyone around must be under Serbian rule authority, the establishment of Serbian supremacy was declared supreme over the centuries national goal to “prevent the extinction of the Serbian people”7


“Medieval Kosovo is often referred to in its general sense as the “Cradle of the Serbs”, as if from the very beginning it represented the key territory for the Serbs. However, the reality is quite different. Just under 800 year separates the arrival of the Serbs in the Balkans in the seventh century from the final one of the Ottoman conquest in the 1450s: that’s less than a third of half of the entire period.”
– Noel Malkolm.8


“The fate of the Albanians in the Balkans as a whole is to some extent reminiscent of the fate of the Germans in Central and Eastern Europe, which we have already written about. The difference is that the Germans suffered because of the actions of their empire, and the Albanians – because they served someone else’s for too long and too faithfully.”9

“I would not like to talk about Serbian war criminals, I would rather not remember the role of Serbia in the First World War. Serbia clearly has no right to restore its power over Kosovo, you must agree with this.”
– Albert Roan, executive director in the office of UN Secretary General Kurt Waldheim.


“Kosovo is the region where the Slavic invasion was stopped in the early Middle Ages. Thus the pan-Slavist dream was destroyed: the development and Slavicization of the main European peninsula.”
– Ismail Kadare

“Thus, on Orthodox Easter, the Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn emerged from a period of silence, condemning NATO policies and not saying a single word about the hundreds of thousands of Albanian refugees from Kosovo. Instead, Mr. Solzhenitsyn said that the old “law of the jungle” would continue to rule in the 21st century, referring to NATO airstrikes”10


“The conservative Moscow newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta welcomed the NATO airstrikes in Belgrade, which, in its opinion, should bring Russians to their senses and unite them. In any case, the Moscow publication believes, Russians will wake up from the hibernation of recent years and will be able to determine the scope of their national interests.”11

“Yugoslav authorities forcibly confiscated at least 47,044 hectares of arable land from Albanians in Kosovo in the period from 1918 to 1941, forcing about 45,000 Albanians from their homes and moving about 60,000 Serbian colonists to the land taken from them.”12

History of the Illyrians, Albanians and Slavs in the Balkans
“The prevailing view in science is that the Albanians were a new ethnic formation that appeared at the beginning of the Middle Ages as a result of the mixing of various elements of the old Paleo-Balkan substrates – Illyrian, Dacian (Dardanian) and Thracian. One should not speak of the Albanians as direct and immediate descendants of the Illyrs or Dardans.”13


“In the 6th and 7th centuries AD, Avar expansion in Eastern Europe caused a wave of Slavic migration to the Balkans. Until then, the majority of Kosovo’s population were remnants of the indigenous pre-Roman population and the Vlachs. But due to Slavic migrations, most of the non-urban regions of the Balkans were Slavicized, all the way to Southern Greece. The only exceptions were the main cities of Byzantium and the Balkan Highlands, where Albanians and Slavs first came into contact (the altitude, according to Wilkes, is 600-900 meters).”14


“For Albanians, Kosovo was also the cradle of their nation and state. In this line of thought, Albanians generally identify themselves with Illyrians. This tribe inhabited Kosovo in the second century BC, while the Slavs, from whom the Serbs descend, came to Kosovo in the sixth century. Albanians adhere to this historical narrative, and on the basis of it they claim this territory as an indigenous population. They view the Serbs as aliens who have no rights to this land.”15


14th century
“A french friar named Frere Brocardus described in 1332 how the Abbanos (Albanians) and Latins “suffered under the hateful and abdominal lordships of the Slavs.” The Serbian occupation after 1347 prompted a mass-immigration of Catholic and Orthodox Albanians to Greece. In 1354 Stefan Dusan promised Pope Innocent VI that he would not persecute Catholics but continued to do so. Resistance by the Albanians increased, specially after they entered an anti-serb block of Catholic Europe in 1319 and 1336. The Catholic Albanians joined in the Crusades of 1319 and 1331 with the alliance of the Papacy, Naples and Hungary, together with Croats, against the Serbian empire. In Kosovo, most of the Albanians in the eastern part were gradually assimilated into the Eastern Orthodox faith by baptism of infants with Serbian names and by enforcing religious ceremonies in the Serbian languages. Albanian tribes like Kuc, Bjellopavliq, Palabardha, Piprraj and Vasovic were fully assimilated.”16

“Since the said Latins and Albanians suffer under the unbearable yoke and extremely dire bondage of their odious Slav leaders whom they detest – the people being tormented, the clergy humiliated and oppressed, the bishops and abbots often kept in chains, the nobles disinherited and held hostage, episcopal and other churches disbanded and deprived of their rights, and the monasteries in decay and ruin – they would all to a man believe that they were consecrating their hands in the blood of the aforementioned Slavs if a French prince were to appear before them whom they could make leader of their war against the said evil Slavs, the enemies of our true faith. With the help of the aforementioned Albanians and Latins, one thousand French knights and five or six thousand foot soldiers could without a doubt easily conquer the whole length and breadth of this kingdom.”17


“In 1319, there was an Albanian revolt of the Suma tribe in Zeta (Montenegro) led by Dhimiter Suma, in 1332, 33 and 36, the Albanians sought to connect themselves with the Papacy by declaring their loyalty to Catholicism. Dhimtir Suma is also mentioned fighting the Serbian state and its church in 737. Edith Durham mentions the tribe in her book “Some Tribal Origins, Laws and Customs of the Balkans”, published in 1928. She writes ”In 1334, the name is mentioned in a document of Tsar Dusan, who in 1335 gives to the monetary of Decani, among other districts, the Albanian village of Tuzi”. The Gruda tribe is partly believed to have originated from Suma and the other from Berisha. One of the Archbishop of the Shkup Dicosese was Mëhill Summa, an Albanian Franciscan.”


“Revolt of the Nobles of Zeta” was a revolt amongst the nobles of northern Albania and Zeta led by the Albanian chief and baron Demetrius Suma and vojvodie Bogoe against Tsar Stefan Dušan in April 1332. The revolt spread to the villages of the Buna river (Barbana) and to Prizren in 1334. Demetrius Suma was first mentioned in a letter to Stefan Dušan in 1332. The discovery was made by Baron Nopsca. The revolt inspired Guillemus Adae (Albanian: Guljelmin e Adës), the archbishop of Bar (1324-1341) and author of Directorium,[5] to support the Catholic coalition of the Byzantine against Dusan. The nobles of northern Albania refused to be subordinated under Dusans rule and quickly joined the revolt which was supported by the Papacy. Tsar Stefan Dusan successfully suppressed the revolt in late 1332″.18

17th century
“During the Serb exodus, Kosovo ceased to be a Serbian religious, political and demographic center. It is difficult to “blame” anyone for the outcome, since while the Turks were the cause of the Serbian exodus, the Serbs cooperation with the losing Austrians ultimately backfired. Who certainly had nothing to do with this were the Albanians, who historically inhabited Western Kosovo (some of whom even accompanied Serbian migrations) and played no role in the events that led to the movement of the Serbs north.”19


“The idea that Albanian Muslims “expelled and replaced” the Serbs is false. The Serbs left and were replaced by Catholic Albanians. One could even say that the Albanians have “returned” given that the ancient name of the region – Dardania – is linguistically proto-Albanian, as is the linguistic consensus. Historically, this of course did not matter in the 18th century and before. But it is worth mentioning in the context of the debate about , “who was first”, which still haunt the conflict to this day.”20

19th century
“The idea of political autonomy or even independence presented Albanian intellectuals with a dilemma. They were well aware of the possibility of a clear boomerang effect that the independence of a small Balkan country could have. Being part of the Ottoman Empire, although it was weakened, the Albanians were still protected from the expansionist plans of neighboring Christian states. Despite the deplorable levels of corruption and incompetence of the Ottoman administration that the Albanians suffered in the final decades of the empire, many Rilindas leaders appreciated the tactical advantage of being ruled from the distant Istanbul rather than from Cetinje.”21


“Thus, Albania was mentioned in the text of the San Stefano Preliminary Treaty as “another part of European Turkey.” In addition, this document provided for the transfer of a number of territories with a predominant Albanian population to neighboring states, in connection with which the Albanians could be considered “one of its main victims”. In particular, the western region of Albania was transferred to Bulgaria, including the trade center of Korça, as well as Pogradec, Debar, Gostivar and Tetovo. Serbia received a significant part of the Pristina sanjak. Montenegro was allocated the northern Albanian regions with the cities of Peja, Ulcinj, Hoti, Plavë, Gusinje and Podgorica.”22


“Thus, the very nature of Ottoman rule delayed the emergence of an Albanian national consciousness and the subsequent national movement, which led to the Albanians becoming the last Balkan nation to gain its independence from the Ottoman Empire”.23


“Just to be clear: Serbia forcibly expelled tens of thousands of Albanians, mostly to Kosovo, which dramatically changed the demographic composition of Kosovo in 1878. While the Kosovo Serbs moved to the newly created Serbia, the muhafirs (as the Albanian refugees were called) moved to Kosovo. In the decades leading up to the Serbian conquest of Kosovo, the region was populated by an Albanian majority, thanks to Serbia’s aggression towards its Muslim minorities, which concentrated the Albanian presence in Kosovo.”24


“Therefore, Orthodox Christians could be called “Greeks”, Catholics – “Latins”, and Muslims – “Turks”, although in terms of genetics, language and innate mentality these were almost identical people, often from the same families. The situation was similar among the local non-Slavic (Illyro-Thracian) people of the Albanians, with the significant difference that during the period of nationalization that began in the 19th century, they managed to preserve their Muslims, Catholics and Orthodox Christians within a single people, while among the southern Slavs, confessional divisions entailed and ethnic.”25

“The Athens correspondent of the London Times newspaper reported on the importance that the Greek leadership attached to the “Albanian direction” of its foreign policy, considering the annexation of the city of Ioannina as the first stage of the gradual “Hellenization” of Albania”.26


“However, Dulcigno has always been an Albanian city, and the Arnauts remember this; it became a bone of contention between them and the Slavs, although the Slavs were not involved in its development.”27


“By that time, according to the fragment from the book “Foreign modern press about the first Serbian uprising” given in the book “Serbia of Karađorđević” by Zivko Marković (“Foreign modern press about the first Serbian uprising”. M. Despot) Karađorđe had an army of 80,000, of which only 30,000 came from Serbia, while the rest came from other parts of the Ottoman Empire, being literally volunteers, and moreover, to a large extent they were not Serbs, but were Greeks, Wallachians and Albanians.”28


“At the same time, Abdul Frasheri raised an uprising in southern Albania to stop the Greek advance in Epirus, which was carried out in violation of the regulations of the Berlin Congress on the borders of the newly recognized states.”29

“On January 23-29, 1899, a gathering of about 500 Albanian leaders of the Kosovo, Jannina and Bitola vilayets, led by Haxhi Zeka, took place in Pejë whch formed the League of Pecs and adopted a program that was built on the principles proclaimed by the League of Prizren”30


“The policies led by Ilya Garašanin laid the foundation for Serbian nationalism, which received a full rise in the twentieth century, first during the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, when Serbia acquired large territories outside its ethnic space, and after the First World War, when Serbia acted in as the main factor in the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes”.31

“Historian H.D. Schanderl believes that at the initial stage of organizing the Albanian nationalist movement, Great Britain played a leading role. Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice in April 1880 announced a position according to which, in the interests of Europe, a “strong Albania” should be created, which would include the Skadar, Janina, Kosovo and Bitola vilayets, under the rule of the Sultan. Austria-Hungary later took over this role.”32

Balkan war of 1912-13 and interwar period of 1914-1918
“For example, for many years Western propaganda has persistently repeated that in 1912 the Serbs occupied Kosovo and Metohija by military force, as if it were a separate Albanian administrative unit.”
– Slavenko Terzic.33

“I have often told you. I dont need captured Albanians. I want to see your graves!”
– General Mihajlo Zivkovic, 1912.34

“The Vice Consul V. Tahy tells that he could only escape from Mitrowitza in the disguise of an Albanian merchant. He too witnessed the inhumanities of the Serbs against the Albanians”.35

“The Serbs are not trying to subdue the Arnauts in the usual way, but want to destroy them. Soldiers of all ranks commit atrocities.”36

“The non-commissioned officer assigned to the train told me: “It’s dreadful how our komitadji live in Kosovo. All Albanian villages in Kosovo are burned down and with the villages the entire harvest. All Albanians male over the age of ten were killed”.37

“Bloody battles have been taking place between Albanian gangs and Serbian troops for a long time . Since Serbian detachments burned down some villages that had not been involved in the fighting […]”.38

“This consul also knows how to report on the bloody persecution of the Albanian population, which the Serbian soldiers are guilty of.”39

“The Serbian troops kill the Albanian prisoners in a cruel manner, some are buried alive.”40

“Serbian soldiers committed tremendous atrocities among the local Albanian population after taking the towns under the leadership of their officers and on behalf of the Serbian generals.”41

“Albanians have submitted to the Serbian authorities. The repeated reports of Serbian atrocities come from Albanian refugees in Vienna.”42

“The “Albanian Correspondence” receives the following report from Usküb from the most reliable Albanian source: In the vicinity of Usküb, Serbian troops and gangs are committing atrocities against […] numerous villages have recently been destroyed. The robberies are indescribable. It is now even forbidden to speak Albanian”.43

“Now, as the world reverberates with the atrocities perpetrated against the Albanian people by Serbian troops, European newspapers remain silent. […] Serbian population committed atrocities. Photographs of impaled women and children were shown as evidence. The Albanians are also protesting against the extermination of the Albanians in Vilayet of Kosovo.”44

“According to the Russian minister of foreign affairs at the time, the Serbian government was largely responsible for the outbreaks of Albanian revolts against the Serbian troops at the new border. Berthold described this as “”the second invasion of Albania”” which had resulted in the deaths of thousands of Albanians”.45

“For this terror exercised from above and executed by the Serbian armed forces against the Kosovo Albanians, it is worth mentioning the warning of the Serbian reporters themselves, in 1914, who warned that one day the Serbian bourgeoisie would have to be punished for its crimescommitted against Albanians.”46

“Serbian troops are using poisonous gas in Kosovo in 1918.”47

“The behaviour of the Servians towards the Mahommedan population is cruel in every, way, and seems to have for its object their complete extermination. This is also admitted by the Russian Consul-General Kalmikof, at present in Belgrade”.48

“The Vienna correspondent of the Daily Chronicle describes the progress of a vast Servian plot to give the Albanians in the Kossovo districts, recently granted by the Grey-Sasonof compact to Servia, no alternative but denationalisation or extermination. Hundreds of Albanians who declared themselves as Albanians were killed.”49

“British parliamentary debates from 1919 feared that if British forces were to withdraw from Shkodër then the Serbian troops could rush the city and repeat massacres, denationalisation and expropriation on the unarmed Albanian population.”50

“According to Sir Edward Grey, he acquired evidence from Durham, an eye-witness, that the Serbian forces initiated a war of deliberate intention of exterminating the Moslem population of Albania in Macedonia as to have no Moslem question in the future … to speak quite frankly and plainly, we believe that the Servians and Bulgarians are in no hurry for the conclusion of any peace before they have carried out their policy, their deliberate policy of exterminating the Albanian and Muhamadan populations of the territories”.51

“It was more important for the history of the 20th century that the first “ethnic cleansing” had taken place during the Balkan wars, for example numerous atrocities committed by Serb troops”.52

“The violence of Serbian troops against the Albanian population lessened and should continue for years. International observers criticized the warfare against civilians and attracted attention from the European public with their reporting. The war-raging Balkan states also documented crimes in isolated cases and offset them against each other through propaganda. In August 1913, the internationally composed and privately financed Carnegie Commission began investigations into the atrocities of war and the economic consequences.”53

“An example of this is the conquest of Kumanovo by the Serbs (October 24, 1912), when nationalist komitadjis waged a massacre among defenseless Albanians. Serbian propaganda used Kumanovo as a catchphrase, and victory as retribution for Serbia’s defeat against the Ottomans on the blackbird field in the Middle Ages in 1389”.54

“In relation to the mobilization numbers, the loss of life was very high. The number of Albanian victims in particular is likely to be extraordinarily high among the Muslim war participants. Albanians not only fought in the ranks of the Ottoman army, they also defended the Albanian areas against Serbian, Montenegrin and Greek attacks. The north and south were particularly affected by enemy attacks and the losses there were considerable.”55

“Shkodër fell to Montenegro in April 1913, which left 10,000 dead in front of the city. This blood tariff should not pay off, however, since Montenegro was forced to hand over the city to the newly proclaimed principality of Albania a month later, in May 1913, in accordance with the London Ambassador Conference. Further examples of long-lasting and hard sieges could be given during the Balkan Wars. The principles of the Hague Convention of 1899 and 1907 on the laws and customs of the land war, to which the warring parties had also joined, were violently broken in every respect. Instead of respecting the rights of prisoners of war, as required by the convention, prisoners were not taken at all, but were often executed on the spot in order to be able to dispense with their food, clothing and medication supplies”.56

“Those fighting under the Cross betrayed the symbol of humanity and mercy in many cases. The atrocities which the Servian soldiers and officer were responsible for in Albania are established by the reports of Austrian, English, Italian, and Norwegian war correspondents.”57

“According to an article published in the Tamworth Daily Observer, on January 21, 1913, Serbian soldiers wiped out the entire population of Gjilane.”58

“According to an article in the Salida Record, published on November 22, 1912, Captain Persius, correspondent of the Tageblatt, confirmed that he had witnessed the burning of Albanian villages and the massacre of both Albanian men and women in Uskub. He stated that the Serbian officers had admitted that they were carrying on a war of extermination”.59

“According to the Colusa Daily Sun, published on on November 14, 1912, the Albanian National Government made an appeal through Neue Frei Pressi accusing the Serbian soldiers with atrocities worse than those charged with the Turks. The Serbs were accused of murdering women and children.”60

“According to an article in the Northern Times, published on Januar 3, 1914, Mr. Willard Howard travelled through Albania and witnessed the atrocities committed by the Serbian troops for 10 weeks in Albania. 100 villages were burned down and 4000 men, women and children were either shot or burned alive. He also states that there were 100,000 homeless and that 30,000 would starve in the winter.”61

“Kosovo was within in the territorial domain of the Serbian Orthodox Church but that does not mean that the population living there was Serbian.”62

“After the occupation of Kosovo in 1912 – 1913, they carried out successive massacres and expelled the Albanians to change the ethnic character of the region. The figures provided in Mr Mihajlovic’s report are calculated to mislead European and Balkan opinion and to justify the Serbian plans to undertake a new colonization of Kosovo.”63

“What of the Albanians, now a conquered people, living in daily terror of Servian atrocities?”64

“When the Serbs did eventually recapture their “lost” land of Kosovo in 1912, they did so with fire and the sword.”65

“Montenegro had begun colonisation in 1912, passing a law in 1914 that helped confiscate 55,000 hectares of land from Albanians and transferring them to 5000 Montenegrin colonists in western Kosovo.”66

“Hundreds of Albanian villages were razed to the ground, tens of thousands of Albanians killed. A caravan of marauding Serbian farmers entered the Albanian villages with the army.”67

“The Serbian authorities did not hesitate, from the 1920s, to bomb Albanian villages and to practice (already) a scorched earth policy.”68

“The Serbian priesthood also actively participated in the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913. Although the law on conscription and military service indicates that priests are not liable for military service, many priests voluntarily reported to military authorities.”69

“The German historian Holm Sundhausen argues that the events of 1912-1913 “in Kosovo and some areas of Macedonia were accompanied by violent clashes between Serbs and Albanians, brutal antics of the Serbian army and paramilitary forces against the Albanian and other non-Serbian population, mass flight, purges and forced conversion to Orthodoxy”.70

“These projects did not take place largely thanks to US President William Wilson, who rejected the French-British plan to split Albania”.71

“The Yugoslav policy towards the Albanians between the two world wars can, without exaggeration, be characterized with the term genocide.”72

“By 1966 they were subjected to severe police persecution: approximately 231,000 people were deported to Turkey, over 1,000 were killed, and 60,000 were tortured by the police.”73

“In the Balkan Wars of 1912/13, Serbian and Montenegrin troops conquered Kosovo, Macedonia and northern Albania. Historically, this is where the first forms of “ethnic cleansing” occur.”74

“However, Serbia is a state where “murder and manslaughter have been made a system”.75

“Kaclerović and Lapčević provided evidence for the Serbian ones crimes committed against the Albanian people by the armed forces became public. That shouted violently Reactions from the representatives of the bourgeois parties and in the public. In a speech in parliament given by Lapčević in early 1914 during a debate on the Serbian-Albanian conflict of 1913 He states that this policy is “wrong, harmful and unfortunate for freedom of the Albanian people as well as for the peace and tranquility of the Serbian people people”.76

“In 1915, Montenegro occupied northern Albania”.77

“A Serbian soldier wrote to the newspaper “Radnicke novine”, stating that there were:
“Villages with a hundred, a hundred and fifty, two hundred houses where there was no man anymore. We killed and massacred them with our bayonets”.78

“The Albanian press also reported on the Serbian atrocities. The Taraboshi newspaper, dated April 17-18, 1914, published an article in Shkodër, writing that: “The women were raped and then killed“.79

“Only killing one gendarmerie in the village of Gjakova, on September 7, 1913, incited the Serbian government to order the burning of the village and 32 inhabitants in Ujz, and the massacre of the population of Fshaj as a sign of revenges, as well as the burning of the village of Smaç.”80

“In a report sent to the Chairman of the Parliament of the Kingdom of Serbia, Andre Nikolic, on November 30, 1913 by a member of a Serbian armed group, among other things the author of the report declared: “Wherever our army has passed, other people must be sent, because the people and everything that belonged to it has completely disappeared”.81

“According to a report by the Austro-Hungarian Consul General in Skopje, Heinrich Jehtlitschka, on March 31, 1914, which was based on reliable information, among other things it was stated that:
“… Albanians are taken out of their houses at night, sent to fields where there are pits prepared, slaughtered there with knives in complete silence and put in the pit. Women who seek the slain are only told that their husbands or sons have been sent to Belgrade“.82

“Military, police and state administration, and even the Serbian element in Kosovo had free hands to act against the Albanians, who were tortured and beaten to death.”83

“Serbian academic and former prime minister V. Djordjevic described Albanians as “modern troglodytes”.84

“Therefore, both the Chetniks and the civilian population took out their anger by burning Albanian villages: “They told the Serbian troops: shoot them, we cannot resist, we have suffered too much from these beasts. They endured it for five centuries.” In the end, Taburno peacefully called not to condemn the local Serbs for ‘their cases of connivance‘”.85

“With the liberation of Kosovo and Metohija in 1912-1913. there was no resettlement of Albanians from these territories, and there was no revenge against them from the Serbs“, statement by Holy Council of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church (AC No. 76/Zap. 155) dated May 23/10, 2003, this Memorandum on Kosovo and Metohija was accepted as an official document of the Serbian Orthodox Church”.86

“As a result, up to 80% of Muslim villages turned out to be completely or partially burned (Stojanović 2009)”.87

“Between the 15th and 25th of December, 1918, Serb troops entered in the district of Podgur and massacred men, women and children and burned 138 houses and pillaged 400”.88

“On October 1913, Edith Durham travelled to Elbasan and reported that retreating Serb soldiers had wiped out 28 villages and killed hundreds of Albanians.”89

Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1919-1939)
“Under these circumstances, the fate of the Albanians in Yugoslavia was not enviable. The state policy being either assimilation or expulsion of the Albanians, they became the most oppressed group in Yugoslavia.” Our thesis has always been, it was written in 1929 in a document from the Yugoslav Ministry of Foreign Affairs, that there is no minority in the southern regions of Yugoslavia”. The comment concerns the abuses committed by the Serbian army in Kosovo against Albanian civilians in 1919.”90

“After the breakthrough of the Thessaloniki front, the Serbian army reoccupied Shkodra and remained there for almost three years. On August 19, 1920, the Radnik newspaper reported that the Yugoslav government had embarked on a “conquering expedition” in Albania, while a representative of the Albanian delegation in Paris informed Lloyd George that the Yugoslav army was advancing toward Shkodra “bombing towns and villages and terrorizing the population.” He interpreted the uncontrolled use of artillery as a deliberate action to destroy the Albanian state and people.”91

“And so today we are witnessing a scene full of fundamental contradictions, that industrial and imperialist Italy supports the Shqiptar paradise, and Belgrade, the center of the Balkan peasantry of the country, in its wave of reactionary madness, takes the side of the Shqiptar beys. On the coast, the feudal system of Ahmed-bey Zogu should be supported, to prevent the (Albanian) highlanders from approaching the sea and becoming civilized, and then, on our southern border, if they seek a normal outlet, they should be killed with machine guns, and we will have free exit to Shkodra and to the sea!”
– Miroslav Krleža, “Balkan impressions”, 1924.92

“In addition, at one point in time, there were six different armies on Albanian territory.”93

“In June 1928, one of the Serbian deputies at a parliament meeting shot and killed several Croatian deputies, including Stjepan Radić.”94

“As part of the policy of forced Serbization, the Belgrade government resettled veterans of the Serbian army, police, gendarmerie, as well as Russian White Guard emigrants to Macedonia. The best lands were allocated for them, which were taken from local peasants. Attempts at protest by the Macedonians were suppressed by punitive detachments. The Belgrade government pursued the same policy in Kosovo, where the majority of the population were Albanians. Such actions provoked interethnic conflicts in the country.”95

“The response to the policy of Serbization on the part of the local population was the Komitadjis (Chetnik) movement. This was the name given to the fighters of small rebel groups who launched partisan warfare in Macedonia and Kosovo in 1923–1926. The Komitadjis were supported by all layers of the population of these regions.”96

“The population of Macedonia, which the authorities renamed Southern Serbia, especially suffered from the Serbianization policy. At the III Conference of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, held clandestinely in January 1924 in Belgrade, it was noted that “the Serbian bourgeoisie has established a ferocious terrorist regime in Macedonia, is destroying or forcing the resettlement of the conscious part of the Bulgarian, Turkish and Albanian population, and in its place is delivering migrants from other regions of Yugoslavia. It oppresses all non-Serbian peoples, closes their churches and schools, bans their press and persecutes their language. The Serbian authorities respond to every act of indignation and protest by a desperate population with bloody repressions.”97

World War II in Albania and Kosovo
“Commenting on the decisions taken in Berlin, the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Albania E. Hoxha noted after the Second World War that “the Berlin Congress and the Versailles Peace Treaty unfairly violated the interests of Albania and the Albanian national minority in Kosovo.. They did not agree with this solution to the issue and do not want to remain within the borders of Yugoslavia, regardless of its political system… Their only ideal is a merger with Albania”.98

“Broz Tito was much more interested in the fate of the Balkan federation he had conceived, the core of which would be Yugoslavia. He was ready to sacrifice Kosovo in order to make his own plans attractive to Albania. E. Hoxha confirmed this desire, repeating verbatim the words of I. Broz Tito in a letter to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks:

“Kosovo belongs to Albania and should be annexed to Albania. We wish this with all our hearts, but at the moment we cannot allow it, because the reaction of the Great Serbs is still very strong”99

Yugoslavia 1945-1997s
“The period from 1944 to 1966 is characterized by state-organized terror policy and reprisals and the implementation of systematic violence against Albanians – which were “de-facto second-class citizens” – and their expulsion to Turkey which was implemented by the then Minister of Internal Affairs of Serbia, Aleksandar Rankovic.”100

“In some ways, the 1968 demonstrations in Kosovo were different from strations that took place that same year in other regions of Yugoslavia, since the Albanians at that time did not have equal rights in many areas, in particular the right to higher education in their native language. At the same time, these demonstrations had much in common with performances in other in many places, because they were also directed against the privileges of the ruling elite.”101

“Regarding education it is necessary say that in 1970 Albanian villages, even in such remote areas like Opozha, paid a huge amount of attention to the education of their children. In the 1970s, every third Kosovar was covered by university programs (Jović 2009), which contradicts Ehrlich’s assertion of Albanians refusing to study.”102

“On April 2, 1981, the Yugoslav leadership declared a state of emergency in the region and reinforced the United Police Forces with army units. During clashes with the police in the cities, 9 Albanian demonstrators and 5 policemen were killed, and among the wounded were 200 Albanians and 133 policemen.”103

“Social scientists and politicians explained in different ways the reasons for the protests and nationalist uprisings in the region in the 1980s. Albanian authors associated the conflict situation in the region with discrimination against Albanians in the economic, social and national spheres, with the fact that they felt like “second-class citizens”104

“In the book “All Our Nationalisms”, one of the Croatian political figures S. Shuvar proposed looking for the roots of the Kosovo problem in the relapses of the “Great Serbian policy”. However, he also referred mainly to the period of the 50-60s, when, according to him, the constitutional rights of the Albanian population were violated, the history of the Albanian people was distorted, the official use of the Albanian language was not welcomed, when the state security service under Aleksandar Rankovic who “cultivated a general distrust of national minorities” and practiced physical violence against individuals.”105

1998-1999 Kosovo War
“I remember articles in Komsomolskaya Pravda, then Russian “heroes” flaunted photographs a la Rambo, telling how many Albanian peasants they personally shot.”106

“As Russian volunteer Oleg Valetsky wrote, the sweeps “were carried out according to orders of army and police headquarters. The troops marched in chains through the mountains and forests, entering villages with or without fighting. The soldiers simply kicked down the doors, and they threw grenades at the windows, and in populated areas residents were given orders either leave the houses and gather in columns, or leave the houses into the courtyards, while the search of houses was going on“.107

“Despite all the difficulties, the craving for home for most refugees is stronger than any obstacles. Nearly 1 million ethnic Albanians fled in 1999 from Kosovo. They were often pushed out from there, threatening with a weapon. They saw Serbian soldiers mercilessly killed their family members, destroyed their homes, and deliberately destroyed their identification documents.”108

“In June 1999, in Belgrade, I met guys who arrived at their own expense from Russia and Ukraine to Yugoslavia (among them I met my friend from the Republika Srpska, volunteer Vlad, as well as “Miron” from Visegrad, who was there in 1992–1993 in the Cossack group). They told how they, along with three hundred volunteers from “all Serbian lands,” were taken to Pristina, where a third of the people immediately went home, because some colonel told them that there was nothing left to rob: everyone had already been robbed before them”109

“All these were traces of the mass purges of Albanians at the end of March, when all kinds of goods were taken out en masse from the apartments or houses of expelled or arrested Albanians, as well as from shops, cafes, and workshops. Local Serbs also played a big role in this, some of whom later decided to “clean out” Serbian apartments.”110

“In several additional “purges” (cleansing operations), including those carried out by our reconnaissance company, over the course of two weeks, several dozen more people were found in the forests, and several were killed”.111

“Russian mercenaries killed so many civilians here that the Albanians hate all Russians.”112

“Russian historians paid a lot of attention to this problem. Thus, they note that already in 1949, the leader of Albania E. Hoxha complained to the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks that national and democratic rights of Kosovo Albanians were not respected.”113

“Serbia officially refuses to recognize Kosovo, although, according to a number of analysts, including lawyer Zoran Ivosevic, the actual recognition of its independence by the Serbian authorities happened already in April 2013 (Ivošević 2017)”.114

“It is believed that all these actions were planned in the highest authorities of Serbia, including Milosevic himself, who also came up with a plan to hide the bodies of those killed so that the crimes would not become known to the world community (Sense 2017)”115

“During the NATO operation, part of the Serbian army and police in Kosovo has sharply intensified its actions against civilians Albanians. As a result, about 5 000 more civilians were killed, and about 800 thousand Albanians were expelled from their homes and were forced to flee to Albania and Macedonia. During the actions of the Serbian troops, cities and villages were surrounded and shelled, many houses, mosques and medieval historical areas of Kosovo cities built in Ottoman times were destroyed.”116

“According to some reports, as a result of the actions of the Serbian forces, they killed about 2000 unarmed Albanians, and 300 thousand fled from their homes (Bellamy 2000)”117

“Mass crimes against Albanians are proven by survey 1,200 Albanian households (8600 people), conducted in 2000 in Kosovo. According to him, in just 1998–99. 67 were killed (64% of all deaths), which, when extrapolated to the entire population, would be about 12 000 people (with the majority of those killed being civilians, including 90% men), not counting 3900 missing. Among those killed, the proportion of men was very high over 50 years of age (their homicide mortality rate was 3.2 times higher than in 15–49 year old men), which indicates the intentions of the Serbian troops. Perhaps the target was pursued en masse kill elderly male heads of families to complicate the return of refugees (Spiegel, Salama 2000).”118

“The main feature of the works of many Serbian scientists and publicists regarding war crimes is a very significant exaggeration of the suffering of the Serbs and a downplaying, and more often even a complete denial, of the suffering of other peoples from the Serbian troops. Thus, they usually give extremely high estimates of the number of victims of the Ustasha genocide (from 700 thousand to 1 million killed Serb civilians [Geiger 2011]), as well as victims from the Bulgarian troops in the First World War, and also significantly overestimate the number of killed Serbs in Sarajevo and near Srebrenica in 1990s. At the same time, they deny mass crimes with by Serbian forces under the leadership of Milosevic and R. Mladic, committed in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, against Kosovo Albanians, crimes against Bosnian Muslims and Croats in World War II, and especially against Macedonian Bulgarians, Turks and Albanians in 1903–15 and 1918–41”.119

“Ranko Gojkovic writes about the complete failure of the Croatian and Bosnian armies to refrain from massacres of Serb civilians against the backdrop of eternal Serbian heroism, mercy and a huge amount innocent victims (Gojkovic 2015). Nenad Blagojevich echoes him, who does not hesitate to openly insult neighboring peoples (Croats, Albanians and Bulgarians), apparently acting in the traditions of some of the Serbian intelletuals of the first half of the twentieth century (Blagojević 2017)”120

“Speaking about the events of the 1990s, he [Cotrich] accused the Croatian authorities “from Tudjman until now”, that they treated the Serbs worse than Pavelić, which is very far from the truth (at the same time, Serbia’s aggression on Croatia Cotrić is not admitted). Turning to the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, he again voiced a version that radically contradicts the real facts, and accused the Bosnian Muslim army of genocide against the Serbs, citing the fact that many more Muslims and Croats live in the Republika Srpska than in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina”121

“Thus, A. Cotrich, being formally a member of one of the most democratically minded parties (its leader Vuk Draskovic recognizes and constantly criticizes the mass crimes of the S. Milosevic regime), in fact, in his In his speeches he expresses views that are in no way different from the positions of the far-right Serbian nationalists from Obraz and the Radical Party”122

“Tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslim, Albanian and Croat casualties point to culpability and a number of other convicted Serbian officers, since such the scale of the killings could not be carried out without planning and coordination by senior military leaders. A. Hebrang says, that he and other participants in the defense of Croatia looked through binoculars on Serbian officers who led the shelling of Croatian hospitals (N1 Hrvatska 2016), and some of them were later found at the ICTY. According to the data collected by journalist A. Shary, they themselves The judges in the Tribunal are quite competent and objective, in which Serious jurists do not doubt it, and there are no innocent people condemned.”123

“If we talk about the actual behavior of these three presidents towards national minorities, then in the case of Slobodan Milosevic himself, he stated that he was only defending his country and people from extermination, and also claimed complete innocence Serbian army and police, saying that Serbian tradition regards the unarmed and prisoners as sacred, and the vast majority of Serbian military and police carefully follow this traditions, refraining from such killings (Shary 2003: 141). But there is a version about his involvement in mass crimes against Kosovar Albanians. Upon learning of the enormous scale of the Albanian exodus, an alarmed OSCE head, Kurt Vollebaek, asked Milosevic what had happened. The Yugoslav President began to explain that nothing terrible is happening, and the Albanians are just leaving for a picnic.”124

“Speaking about positive examples from the Serbs, it is necessary to say that the Serbian Patriarch Paul was also against crimes and in his interview sharply condemned the killing of civilians and the destruction of churches and mosques. He also admitted that in not only Serb civilians suffered in Kosovo, but also Albanians (Senica.ru 2012).”125

“Kosovo Serb leader Bogdan Kapman said: “Let a million Serbs die, but not a single Albanian will remain in Kosovo!”126

“In March 1998, the Security Council adopted a resolution in this regard 1160 (1998), condemning the excessive use of force by Serbian police against civilians and imposing an embargo on arms supplies.”127

“Did the law of international armed conflict apply to NATO forces, even though their purpose was to protect Kosovo Albanians from Serb reprisals? Would the answer be the same if we assumed that bombing was the only way to protect the people of Kosovo from genocide? (See Articles 1 and 2, general, of the Conventions; preamble, paragraph 5, of Protocol I.)”128

“With the start of air strikes, the forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and The Republic of Serbia intensified its attacks on Kosovo Albanians;in the following months they forcibly expelled more than 740 thousand people livingin Kosovo ethnic Albanians, which accounted for a third of its total Albanian population. An unknown number of ethnic people living in Kosovo Albanians were killed during operations carried out by the Yugoslavand Serbian forces. Fewer Albanians died during the transportstifling NATO strikes”.129

“In the outbreak of the civil war, the Yugoslav People’s Army took the side of the Bosnian Serbs. The conflict, accompanied by unprecedented ethnic cleansing, and in relation to the actions of the Serbs, international authorities use the concept of genocide, proceeded for two years without foreign intervention. Since 1994, NATO aircraft began to carry out single strikes on Serbian positions, even despite the long siege of the capital Sarajevo. A year later, the alliance launched full-scale Operation Deliberate Force. Massive bombing gave an advantage to Bosnian and Croat troops, forcing the Serbian leadership to negotiate and conclude the Dayton Accords at the end of 1995.”130

“All four Croats who participated in the negotiations (J. Šentija, D. Bilandžić, Z. Lepotić and S. Sokol) unanimously refused to negotiate on the “krajina”, emphasizing that “they will not give up an inch of land to modern Croatia.” In response, the Serbs put forward the thesis that citizens, not republics, have the right to self-determination. To this, the Croats responded that in this case this principle should be applied to both the Albanians in Kosovo and the Hungarians in Vojvodina. As an argument against the Croatian point of view, the Serbs stated that the Albanians and Magyars were not South Slavic peoples and therefore had no right to their point of view.”131

“Bishop Artemije of Rasko-Prizren, the shepherd of the Orthodox Kosovars, believes that the main blame for what is happening lies with the Milosevic regime, which sacrificed the faith and Christians of Kosovo to nationalism, just to keep power in Yugoslavia in the hands of his family. Having unleashed a war and provoked NATO into aggression, Milosevic threw the Orthodox Serbs and civilians of the region to the mercy of extremists.”132

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  24. ibid. ↩︎
  25. https://mikes68.livejournal.com/773894.html? ↩︎
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  27. ibid. ↩︎
  28. ibid. ↩︎
  29. https://region.expert/jugoslavija/ ↩︎
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ФЕДЕРАЛЬНОЕ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ БЮДЖЕТНОЕ УЧРЕЖДЕНИЕ НАУКИ ИНСТИТУ СЛАВЯНОВЕДЕНИЯ РАН ФЕДЕРАЛЬНОЕ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ БЮДЖЕТНОЕ УЧРЕЖДЕНИЕ КУЛЬТУРЫ БИБЛИОТЕКА ИНОСТРАННОЙ ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ им. М. И. РУДОМИНО Русско-турецкая война 1877–1878 гг. НАДЕЖДЫ – ПЕРИПЕТИИ – УРОКИ Москва 2020 ↩︎
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  33. https://macedonia.kroraina.com/chb2012/chb2012_3_4.htm ↩︎
  34. ibid. ↩︎
  35. http://promacedonia.org/stss/stss_12.htm ↩︎
  36. https://pravoslavie.ru/5186.html ↩︎
  37. https://pravoslavie.ru/5186.html ↩︎
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  41. Kölnische Zeitung. 1803-1945d ↩︎
  42. Norddeutsche allgemeine Zeitung, 1912. ↩︎
  43. Dortmunder Zeitung. 1874-1939, 1912. ↩︎
  44. Berliner Börsen-Zeitung, Morgen-Ausgabe ↩︎
  45. General-Anzeiger der Stadt Mannheim und Umgebung : badische neueste Nachrichten, Mittagsblatt, 1912. ↩︎
  46. Kölnische Zeitung. 1803-1945 ↩︎
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  48. Berliner Tageblatt und Handels-Zeitung, Abend-Ausgabe, 1912. ↩︎
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  50. Mazower, Mark: “Der Balkan”, Berliner TaschenbuchVerlag, Berlin 2002, p. 189. ↩︎
  51. Examiner (Launceston, Tas. : 1900 – 1954), 1921. https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/146545609?searchTerm=Servians%20albania ↩︎
  52. Ethnic Minorities in the Balkan States, 1860-1971: 1888-1914. ↩︎
  53. The Outlook, p. 410. ↩︎
  54. Parliamentary Debates (Hansard).: House of Commons official report, 1919. ↩︎
  55. p.135, 140. The Outlook, Volym 31, 1913. ↩︎
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  58. * ↩︎
  59. ibid. ↩︎
  60. ibid. ↩︎
  61. The Albanian in London 25th of November 2013. ↩︎
  62. “Awful Servian atrocities”, 1913. Link ↩︎
  63. The Springfield Herald, Volume 26, Number 15, November 22, 1912. Link: https://www.coloradohistoricnewspapers.org/?a=d&d=SPH19121122-01.2.36&e=——-en-20–1–img-txIN%7ctxCO%7ctxTA——–0—— ↩︎
  64. Colusa Daily Sun, 1912. ↩︎
  65. “Servian atrocities”, 1914. ↩︎
  66. The Challenge of Ethnic Conflict to National and International Order in the 1990s, Geographic Perspectives: A Conference Report. Link ↩︎
  67. * ↩︎
  68. Image 135 of World War history : daily records and comments as appeared in American and foreign newspapers, 1914-1926 (New York), October 9, 1914, (1914 October 9-12). ↩︎
  69. Irish Time. Link ↩︎
  70. Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences. ↩︎
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  72. La tragédie des Albanais du Kosovo.Abderrahim Lamchichi. Link ↩︎
  73. http://macedonia.kroraina.com/stss/stss_8.htm ↩︎
  74. Holm Sundhausen. History of Serbia from the 19th to the 21st century. Translated from the German by Tomislav Bekić. Belgrade—Novi Sad, 2008. S. 237-238; ↩︎
  75. https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/albanskiy-faktor-destabilizatsii-zapadnyh-balkan-stsenarnyy-podhod ↩︎
  76. https://arkivi2.tripod.com/faqe/LIBRI.HTM ↩︎
  77. ibid. ↩︎
  78. https://serbien.reisen/geschichte/ ↩︎
  79. Die Schlafwandler Wie Europa in den Ersten Weltkrieg zog. ↩︎
  80. https://www.rosalux.de/fileadmin/rls_uploads/pdfs/sonst_publikationen/Weipert-download-RosaLux.pdf ↩︎
  81. https://www.bmlv.gv.at/pdf_pool/publikationen/05_kk_02_schmidl.pdf ↩︎
  82. Kryengritjet shqiptare në Kosovë si alternativë çlirimi nga sundimi serbo-malazez (1913-1914). Fitim Rifati. 2020. Journal of Balkan studies. 2021. https://www.balkanjournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/JSB-1.-sayi-revize_2-Fitim-Rifati-1.pdf ↩︎
  83. ibid. ↩︎
  84. ibid. ↩︎
  85. ibid. ↩︎
  86. ibid. ↩︎
  87. ibid. ↩︎
  88. https://inslav.ru/sites/default/files/editions/2020_gusev.pdf, p.223 ↩︎
  89. “Мотивы поведения болгар и сербов в ходе Балканских войн”. 
Link . Табурно И.П. О сербских битвах…С. 63, Там же. С. 64. ↩︎
  90. http://pravoslavie.ru/orthodoxchurches/print40798.htm ↩︎
  91. https://www.socionauki.ru/upload/socionauki.ru/book/files/monitoring_sm_6/598-687.pdf p.604 ↩︎
  92. Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, p.741, 1947. ↩︎
  93. Christian Medawar Graduate Program in History McGill University, 1995, p.118. ↩︎
  94. https://reliefweb.int/report/albania/justice-pour-les-albanais-du-kosovo-rapport-dune-premi%C3%A8re-enqu%C3%AAte-sur-les-crimes-de ↩︎
  95. https://pescanik.net/pregled-istorije-odnosa-srbijejugoslavije-i-albanije/ ↩︎
  96. ibid. ↩︎
  97. ibid. ↩︎
  98. http://militera.lib.ru/common/show/05_58.html ↩︎
  99. http://militera.lib.ru/h/zadohin_nizovsky/04.html ↩︎
  100. ibid. ↩︎
  101. ibid. ↩︎
  102. M. I. RUDOMINO Russian-Turkish War of 1877–1878. I. Danchenko, Ph.D. Yu. A. Sozina
Ph.D. O.A. Dubovik, Ph.D. L.A. Kirilin. ISBN 978-5-7576-0447-3 p.103-104 ↩︎
  103. http://www.guskova.info/w/yuhis/2006-01.html ↩︎
  104. http://www.cpc-ks.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Dugoroc%CC%8Cni-mir-na-Balkanu-kroz-integracije-u-EU_ArbenHajrullahu-1.pdf ↩︎
  105. Milica Popovic, Natalija Majsova. ЛАНДШАФТЫ ПАМЯТИ В (ПОСТ)ЮГОСЛАВИИ. The Historical Expertise, 2020/4 (25), pp.151, 2021. ⟨hal-03386610⟩, p.166 ↩︎
  106. bid. p.169. ↩︎
  107. http://www.guskova.info/w/yuhis/2006-01.html ↩︎
  108. http://www.guskova.info/w/yuhis/2006-01.html ↩︎
  109. ibid. ↩︎
  110. https://m.kavkaz-uzel.eu/blogs/83772/posts/28537 ↩︎
  111. https://pstgu.ru/download/1217074493.kosik.pdf ↩︎
  112. http://evolutio.info/images/pdf/refugees_magazin/134.pdf ↩︎
  113. https://epdf.tips/-1993-1999-.html ↩︎
  114. ibid. p. 174-175. ↩︎
  115. ibid. 189-190. ↩︎
  116. ibid. 194-195 ↩︎
  117. https://www.kubsu.ru/sites/default/files/faculty/sbornik_csi_2019_serbiya.pdf ↩︎
  118. https://www.socionauki.ru/upload/socionauki.ru/book/files/monitoring_sm_6/598-687.pdf p.640 ↩︎
  119. ibid, p.640. ↩︎
  120. ibid, p.640. ↩︎
  121. ibid, p.640. ↩︎
  122. ibid. p. 655 ↩︎
  123. ibid. p.642 ↩︎
  124. ibid. p.649 ↩︎
  125. ibid. p 649. ↩︎
  126. ibid. p.649 ↩︎
  127. ibid. p.658 ↩︎
  128. ibid. p. 660 ↩︎
  129. ibi. p. 670 ↩︎
  130. https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2286577 ↩︎
  131. RIGHTS PROTECTION DURING WARS In four volumes VOLUME IV PART III: Cases and Documents (No. 172–236) Marco Sassoli And Antoine Bouvier starring Susan Carr, Lindsay Cameron and Thomas de Saint-Maurice. p.40 ↩︎
  132. ibid. p. 42 ↩︎
  133. ibid. p. 44 ↩︎
  134. https://ria.ru/20220810/politika-1806893507.html ↩︎
  135. https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/rol-natsionalizma-i-populizma-v-sudbah-narodov-yugoslavii-v-xx-xxi-vv-obzor ↩︎
  136. http://www.vob.ru/public/vrn/obraz/1/kosovo.htm ↩︎

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