Abstract

This article examines an 1877 parliamentary debate from the first Ottoman constitutional period (1876–1878), in which representatives discussed Montenegrin expansionist ambitions toward Ottoman territories in northern Albania and the wider Shkodra region. Drawing on political protocol records, the analysis highlights how Ottoman deputies perceived Montenegro’s demands—supported by Russia—as a direct threat to provincial stability, territorial integrity, and imperial sovereignty. The debate reveals the intersection of Balkan geopolitical pressures, European intervention, and internal Ottoman vulnerabilities. By contextualizing the deputies’ concerns about strategic villages, fortifications, and potential uprisings, the study illuminates the broader imperial anxieties that shaped late Ottoman statecraft.

Introduction

In the final decades of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire faced many challenges due to geopolitical demands of its Balkan neighbors. Montenegro, with the help of Russia, sought to expand at the expense of Ottoman-controlled districts around Shkodra, Podgorica, and the northern Albanian highlands. The excerpt here originates from parliamentary debates in the first Ottoman constitutional period (1876–1878), reflecting the tensions between imperial diplomacy, provincial security concerns, and the rising influence of European powers. This article analyzes the content of the debate, on how Ottoman representatives discussed Montenegrin imperialism and the political vulnerability within the empire.

According to the political protocol from 1877 discussion in the Ottoman parliament Meclis-i Mebusan we can read that, citing Yusuf Effendi from Shkodër, Montenegro demanded to annex the following villages:

• Kuçi (Kuči)
• Ispuji (Spuz / Spuž)
• Ispič (Spizza o Spic)
• Zibyak (Zabljak)
• Selce
• Shestan
• Shiroka
• Zeviçe (Žabljak-distrikt)
• Shushan (Susanni)
• Ploca (Plloçë)
• Aleksandra / Aleksinac
• Sotorman
  … and dozens of villages, fortified towers (kulla) and small castles around Pogdorica and Lake Shkodër.

The members say the following:

“The Montenegrins are taking everything they can through cunning and demands.”

“If we give up these areas, Podgorica will not be able to be held.”

“If the Montenegrins take the towers and passes, the entire Shkodra vilayet will be threatened.”

“The Mirdita may rebel.”

“Foreign powers will help Montenegro.”

The transcribed protocol

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“THE MONTENEGRO ISSUE

Discussion on the Montenegro issue proceeded as follows:

Sadi Efendi (Haieb) — Stepping up to address the assembly: It appears that, whenever possible, they have been extending their borders by force. I would like to have some further details on this matter.

Reis Pasha — What kind of details?

Sadi Efendi (Haieb) — Because such details cannot be considered sufficient. As promised in the Imperial Speech, the documents regarding the Montenegro issue are pending before our assembly. When we have access to them, we will be able to present our statements freely. For now, I would like to request some details and clarification on when these documents will be presented to the assembly. Let this also be executed.

Reis — Yes, we will consult public opinion. However, let me inform you that these papers are still under negotiation. It is not appropriate for them to be presented before the negotiations are concluded. Once completed, they will arrive. If they have not arrived yet, it means they are not finished. If you wish, we may request an opinion.

Sadi Efendi (Aleppo) — Let us refer it to public opinion at least once, sir.

Reis — I repeat: the reason it has not arrived yet is precisely because the negotiations are not complete.

Sadi Efendi (Aleppo) — According to what we have seen in the newspapers, if the Montenegrins accept the privileges of ancient times, they will be forgiven; if not, it must be clarified that they will require sufficient discipline to prevent them from committing such improprieties.

Seblih Efendi (Istanbul) — It is not appropriate to express opinions at this time regarding Montenegro in the Imperial Response. Statements in the newspapers are not given much weight. Once the matter is formally referred to this assembly, and the most accurate account is known, we will express our opinions. For now, it is sufficient to indicate that we will provide our assessment later.

Mustafa Bey (Yarıya) — Speaking now may be unnecessary, but I feel compelled to point out that newspapers report that the Montenegrins have made demands such as the ceding of certain locations and ports. While the extent of this will be clarified when the matter is officially brought before our council, it is necessary to assert now that we are willing to sacrifice both life and property to protect our independence and interests.

Yusuf Efendi (Shkodra) — Rising to address the assembly, he presented the following statement:

According to what has been seen in newspapers and heard over time, the Montenegrins demand the Kuç district, which has a population of fifty thousand, as well as the adjacent districts of Ispuji and Zibyak, and the villages of Selce, Kırnitsa, Shestani Bala, Shestani Zir, Gurra, Reyka, Zeviçe, Togimil-i Bala, Togimil-i Zir, Shushan, Birce, and the Ispiç district and port, which includes two fortresses. They also seek the Moraça River line as a privilege.

As a representative from Shkodra and someone originally from Podgorica who has traveled and seen every part of this region, I would like to provide some explanations. For complete understanding, I recommend consulting a detailed map of Montenegro.

Although the Kuç district, consisting of twenty villages, was left to the Montenegrins and the Moraça River line was acknowledged as their privilege, several key fortresses remain, including Medon, Ispuji, Zibyak, Aleksandra, Ispiç, and Sotorman. Each fortress was constructed with significant expenditure and served as a defensive barrier against bandit incursions.

Additionally, numerous towers and fortified settlements—Dervişpaşa, İsmailpaşa, Fasarişta, Bron, Biuçe, Serdar, Hıfzıye, Avniye, Aziziye, Şevketiye, Çengel, Soğuksuy, Stenoglaf, Maksud Kırmijur, Manastır, Tuğla, Rebnak, Çırnıkan, Beiibrık, Ploça—and the towns of Kiri, Ba, Dilam, Levşan, Memşik, Vidanik, Leškopole-i Zir, Leškopole-i Bala, Kokot, Lefik, Gırbafçe, Kokea-i Zir, Korpoçe, Bunar, Baniye, Durmige, Yerig, and Viranina—are intended to remain under Ottoman control.

To illustrate the gravity of the situation: The Montenegrins have previously sent officials to Istanbul to secure areas they could not capture by force. Using cunning persuasion, they attempted to convince Ottoman administrators to cede these lands. Thanks to the Sultan, these attempts have been blocked. The Ottoman people, united in loyalty and solidarity, are prepared to sacrifice life and property to defend even a small portion of Ottoman territory along the western borders, ensuring that such demands will not be recognized.

Any fortresses or castles the Montenegrins attempt to seize would, regardless of ownership, remain part of the Shkodra province. If the Montenegrins were to capture Maluyer and bring artillery to Podgorica, it would be impossible to hold the town. After Podgorica falls, the surrounding districts, including Kuruta, Hot, Kalimand, Kosrat, Hoblik, and Jiceloha, would come under their influence. Regions such as Mirdita, predisposed to rebellion, would unite with Montenegro, spreading instability quickly to the Pirzerin sanjak and the coastal areas. In such a scenario, Montenegro would receive all manner of support from external powers.

Even if certain fortresses were granted to Montenegro, they would still threaten Ottoman control over Lake Shkodra, Podgorica, and other strategic areas. Moreover, Russia would likely establish a port at the Adriatic, further advancing Montenegrin interests. These considerations make it clear that any concession to Montenegrin demands would be strategically disastrous.

It should be noted that the Montenegrins’ claims are not motivated by necessity but by the desire to annex Shkodra entirely and unify its borders with those of Bulgaria and Serbia. Even a small concession would embolden them to seize more territory in a short time. Provincial and military authorities familiar with the region confirm this assessment.

In conclusion, if the Montenegrins were granted even a small area beyond their historical claims, the Shkodra province itself would effectively be ceded to them. The assembly must consider this carefully before making any decision. Any final decisions must be guided by maps, military insight, and the understanding that the Montenegrins will defend their claimed lands with unwavering resolve.

Rasim Bey — Stepping forward, he added:

The Montenegrins have no right to demand any additional land. In 1858, the Great Powers confirmed Montenegro’s borders in a council in Istanbul. Therefore, the Montenegrins’ attempts to expand their territory violate not only Ottoman sovereignty but international agreements. While certain roads through Montenegro were granted in 1862 to facilitate communication, and towers were constructed to secure travel, the borders themselves cannot be altered. Ottoman law prohibits any change to the established privileges and boundaries.

We must ensure that all measures are taken to uphold these borders, following the directives of the Imperial Speech, and that decisions are made promptly and decisively. Public opinion should be informed and our response should assert the Empire’s commitment to defending its territories.

Hacı Ahmed Efendi (Yenişehir / Izmir) — He added:

The Ottoman state has consistently shown care and generosity toward all loyal subjects, including those in Montenegro. Yet repeated Montenegrin uprisings and acts of defiance demonstrate that they cannot be fully trusted. Every Ottoman citizen is prepared to sacrifice life and property for the Sultan. Even if Montenegrins were loyal, the Empire would ensure their needs were met. But history shows that Montenegro’s repeated rebellions and aggressions cannot be ignored. The defense of the Empire and the loyalty of its people remain paramount.

The rebellions and mischief of the Montenegrins have profoundly affected us all. The time to put an end to their misdeeds has already passed, because if the corruption of even one member of a household is left unchecked, it will undermine the order of the entire household—a principle of reason and wisdom. For these reasons, I respectfully request that, in the Imperial Speech’s accompanying letter of thanks presented by the deputies, it be explicitly stated that the Ottoman subjects’ grievances have not been placated and that we are prepared to make every possible sacrifice in this matter. I also hope for the unity and support of my colleagues in this regard.

Following this, İbrahim Bey (Herzegovina) delivered the following statement:

“As is well known, during the battle that took place in 1878, the Montenegrins were completely defeated. Nevertheless, they continued their aggressive incursions. In order to mitigate their hostility, the Ottoman Empire granted them large tracts of land and valuable goods. At that time, the Montenegrins pledged full compliance with the agreed conditions, as reported to the Sublime Porte by the consuls of the three known powers. Despite this, the Montenegrins, true to their original nature, did not appreciate the generosity shown to them and have once again engaged in aggressive acts, declaring hostilities. This clearly demonstrates that it is not permissible to deal with them through concessions. Therefore, it is necessary to educate and discipline them.

In accordance with the will of His Majesty the Sultan, I am prepared to provide my assessment and counsel regarding the Montenegro issue when it is referred to our assembly, drawing on my knowledge of the cherished homeland and its borders.”

Subsequently, Sami Bey (Shkodra) presented the following observation:

“The province I represent, Shkodra, is closely linked to the territory in question regarding the privileges of Montenegro. If these lands were to be extended or borders altered under the pretext of imperial authority, it would inevitably give rise to various obstacles. The boundaries and critical points of Shkodra are well-known and established. Even a minor alteration would allow the Montenegrins, given their historically aggressive tendencies, to invade the province and surrounding highland districts within a year. God forbid such an event occurs, but in order to secure the future, the Ottoman Empire would always be compelled to station a strong army there.

Even with such a force, if future security cannot be guaranteed, Shkodra and its surrounding districts could soon fall into the hands of the invaders. I believe the entire assembly will agree with this assessment.”

Manok Efendi (Aleppo) also presented the following statement:

“Gentlemen, One of the subjects mentioned in the Imperial Speech, and perhaps the foremost from the perspective of foreign affairs, is the Montenegro issue. Since the Fundamental Law and the regulations established therein are sacred for all of us, and since the proposals made by the Montenegrin leadership—though not yet officially refuted—violate some of the initial provisions of that law, this matter deserves our special attention.

Gentlemen, preserving the integrity of the Ottoman territories and the independence of the imperial authority is among our most important obligations. Therefore, whenever any attempt is made to violate the rights of the Ottoman nation, the officials in charge of state administration must act to prevent and repel it. If, despite these measures, attempts are made that contravene the Fundamental Law, it is our duty to immediately implement the necessary precautions. From a political perspective, the current circumstances clearly demand decisive action to defend the Empire and its subjects.

As complex issues arise, our assembly will gradually examine and discuss them, and naturally, once the specific circumstances of the matter are understood, we will enter into detailed analysis. For this reason, regarding the proposals of the Montenegrin leadership, I do not see the need to send them to a vote at this moment. However, since the conditions of these proposals will certainly and officially become known to us in the future according to the imperial mandate, it is sufficient for now to declare our strongest desire and intention to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman territories. I also deem it necessary that this wish be clearly stated in the official minutes to be submitted to His Majesty concerning the Montenegro issue.

Speaker — Praise be to God, our Ottomans feel united in safeguarding Ottoman interests. However, let me clarify that the Montenegro issue is not as it might be presumed. I speak plainly: the benefits are far greater than what has been heard. Moreover, the officers responsible for executing decisions will implement whatever the state decrees, and then the matter will be fully examined. There is no need to prolong this discussion further at present. The floor is now given to Hilmi Efendi (Istanbul). Please proceed, Hilmi Efendi.

Hilmi Efendi (Istanbul) — There is little we can say at length here. However, if the situation is first clarified by the army commanders, a more suitable conclusion may be reached during discussion.

Speaker — Is there any response to this remark?

Rasim Bey (Edirne) — What need is there to consult the army commanders? If the matter reaches that stage, we are prepared as a nation to sacrifice ourselves until every one of us is broken. Consultation is unnecessary.

Someone — Since the Montenegro issue will be referred here, any statement of warning is premature until information is obtained. Once the matter is referred, the relevant documents and telegrams will arrive together, and then the decision will be considered. There is no need for consultation or deliberation at this moment.

Mustafa Bey (Yanya) — We are not discussing the issue in detail here. However, if the matter is referred, it is proper to get a glimpse of the likely outcome. The views of all Ottomans are united regarding this Montenegro matter.

Mustafa Efendi (Kozan) took the floor and delivered the following statement:

“Gentlemen, first, I request an explanation regarding Montenegro. Secondly, it was instructed that a summary of opinions be presented. This is the summary. What should Montenegro’s intention be? Even if Montenegro requests expansion of borders or other forms of concession without justification, it is clear that we, under the command of His Majesty the Sultan, must be prepared to sacrifice our lives, children, and property for the sake of the Empire, without altering any village boundaries.

Why should such a request be accepted? If it is not accepted, will they go to war with us? If a conflict arises, why should we not respond decisively? By the grace of God, what do we lack? Indeed, we have sufficient financial resources. (If someone says, ‘You do not have the sense for this, Hoca,’ I respond: why should we not have sense? Our nation is alive and vigilant.) There is a Turkish saying: ‘What the head commands, the limbs obey.’ Let us deploy our resources accordingly: in small amounts or large, according to capacity. In such a perilous time, any property not sacrificed for the state and nation is, by law, prohibited to us.

In our law, both patience and sovereignty are legitimate. Hazrat Omar al-Faruk once rested on a simple cloak; Imam al-Azam once wore clothing worth thirty thousand dirhams for ceremonial purposes. For such obligations, let us briefly follow the simple way of Hazrat Omar al-Faruk, and afterward, again follow the honorable example of Imam al-Azam. My statement is conditional: if our esteemed deputies consider sovereignty lawful, we take pride in that as well. We can wear simple garments or travel on foot.

Do we wish to live under the gratitude of our nation? Certainly, the nation will support us, and we will never surrender even an inch of land to the enemy. I believe that our Muslim colleagues and even Christian colleagues who uphold the Ottoman name will agree, for they too have seen the freedom and security that this homeland provides. Naturally, the patriotism of this nation surpasses all else…

It is evident that this will naturally occur. The honorable speaker, having not only read this speech but also explained and elucidated each of its points, first addressed the Muslim members and asked for their agreement, at which they all applauded him enthusiastically. Thereafter, when he directed his address to the Christian members, they too responded with applause. Both the assembly members present and the attending gentlemen from outside commended the speaker, saying “well done.”

After this, Nikolaki Yusef Bey (Syria) also delivered his statement:

“Although the details of the Montenegro issue have not yet reached our esteemed assembly, as the representative of the Syria province, I wish to present and declare the opinions of the Ottoman population in this matter.

The unique jewel of the supreme sultanate, the Ottoman dynasty, is known in general history, and particularly in the chronicles of renowned rulers such as Peter the Great and Charles XII, for its justice, generosity, and moral excellence. Similarly, the pardons and favors openly granted regarding the Serbian people are a well-known indication of the sovereign’s munificence and wisdom.

As for the Montenegro issue: although its inhabitants have attained privileges that others might envy, they have neglected the duty of gratitude and pridefully strayed from the righteous path. Their recent conduct, being among the worst of actions, should also have been apparent to them.

If the obligations arising from this situation are fulfilled, and the inhabitants demonstrate obedience as required, then, according to the supreme moral standards of the Sultan, they will receive pardon and favor. However, should they engage in acts contrary to international law and established legal principles, such attempts must be entirely rejected.

I submit this opinion to be recorded in the minutes in response to the imperial speech of His Majesty the Sultan, and I request that it be entered accordingly.”

Around fifteen to twenty members of the assembly applauded this statement as well.

Mustafa Bey (Yanya) then spoke:

“Although the Montenegro issue has not yet been referred to our committee, it may seem premature to comment now. Nevertheless, I feel compelled to speak because of certain unreasonable demands observed daily in newspapers: Montenegro has sought the cession of Nakšin and Kulašin from Bosnia, the establishment of the Moraca River as the boundary from İşkodra, and the use of the port of Ispiç to gain access to the sea.

Such demands, as is well known, directly affect all Ottomans, and the material and moral harm to the state and homeland caused by conceding such territories will be made fully clear when the Montenegro matter is officially referred to our assembly. For now, let our firm response be known: we shall never accept any such proposals, and we are resolved to defend the supreme independence of the state, even at the cost of our lives and property.”

Fehim Efendi (Bosna) also spoke:

“Our exalted sovereign is fully aware of the best means required to resolve the Montenegro issue. In addressing our esteemed assembly, the purpose of the imperial referral is merely to inform and assure adherence to lawful consultation and sovereign guidance. I would like to make a few remarks on this matter:

Although Montenegro has received many concessions and privileges from the Ottoman State and has not been interfered with in its internal administration, its recent rebellion clearly stems from the corrupt instigation of foreigners. The proposals they now present, which are completely unacceptable, are the direct result of such external influences. The fact that previous rebellions went unpunished, and that leniency and mercy were shown toward them, has only emboldened them further…

It is evident that this situation has arisen due to excessive leniency. I even believe that this fact is acknowledged by European political circles. If, until now, unnecessary and untimely compassion had not been shown to such rebels, and instead their discipline—meaning the punishments and just treatment they deserved—had been properly carried out, they would not have so easily fallen prey to foreign intrigues and disturbed the public order they pretend to uphold. Nor would they have caused the spilling of so much innocent blood without justification.

Therefore, I am convinced that accepting even the smallest part of the Mountain People’s* current proposals would invite even greater harm than before. Since this matter has been brought before our humble council by imperial decree, I am prepared to present the dangers and my humble opinions based on the local information available to me when deliberations begin.

President: Our list of speeches is complete. Is there anyone who wishes to respond? I am not asking for confirmation, but for a reply.
Ohannes Efendi (Istanbul): I have a reply, sir. We all deeply desire that our independence not be infringed upon. Since the documents have arrived and their degree of importance is not yet known to the state, I do not find it appropriate to offer an opinion at this time.

During the discussion of the draft, Rasim Bey (Edirne) stated that the reforms should be compatible with our national customs.
President: Is this necessary?
Nikolaqi Bey: Our age is a new age. There is no need for old customs.
Sebuh Efendi (Istanbul): I support Rasim Bey’s opinion.
President: Reform does not mean imitating every newly encountered idea.
Hasan Fehmi Efendi (Istanbul): As long as the draft is aligned with the circumstances, the needs of the place, and the requirements of the present time, I see no need for further explanation.
Council: Yes, this is sufficient. (All hands were raised.)

Regarding regulations and the competence of officials, Dimitraki Efendi (Tuna) read the following article:

“According to Article 39 of the Constitution, all officials shall be selected for the positions for which they are qualified and deserving, in accordance with the prescribed rules. Once appointed, they cannot be dismissed or transferred unless they commit an act warranting dismissal by law, resign on their own, or unless the state sees a necessary reason for it.
We are grateful for this imperial favor, because until now officials were appointed or dismissed without regard to whether their administration was good or bad, and without consideration of their competence or capability. This caused disturbances of public order and various disputes.
From now on, since it has been explicitly stated that officials appointed to the positions they deserve cannot be transferred unless they commit an act requiring dismissal, many benefits and improvements will be observed, and no one will have anything left to complain about.
However, since I cannot find any clear statement regarding whether the competence of the officials currently employed will be examined or whether they will remain as they are, I dare to inquire about this matter.”

President: Is there anyone who wishes to comment?
Someone: We will express our views during the deliberation.
President: The Civil Administration Regulation has also arrived. Let us discuss that as well. Is there approval?
Council: It is appropriate.
Someone: Perhaps upright conduct should also be added as a requirement for officials.
Hasan Fehmi Efendi (Istanbul): Before the law, everyone is considered upright. If someone later proves otherwise, the law punishes them. No one knows what lies in someone’s heart. For this reason, I see no need to add uprightness as a condition.

The draft was found appropriate by the assembly.

President: Gentlemen, the final reading of your letter of thanks has been completed. Just as each clause has been accepted, has the text in its entirety also been approved?
Assembly: It has been approved.
President: Let it be quickly written out in clean copy. With the signatures of your chairmen it will be presented to His Majesty. After carrying out this duty, we will report the results. Our public session has concluded at a quarter past seven.

At seven we have important documents to review. It has been decided that they will be examined in the committees.

(The Assembly then proceeded to a secret session. — Date: March 18, 1877.)”

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Source

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