by Dr. Nikollë Loka
Abstract
This study examines the ethnic origins of the Gjuraj–Crnojević family within the broader historical and ethnographic context of medieval Zeta (modern Montenegro). Drawing on historical documents, toponymic evidence, and ethnographic traditions, it argues that the region exhibited strong continuity from pre-Slavic Illyrian populations despite later Slavic influence. The Crnojević dynasty emerged in a multiethnic environment where Albanian elements appear to have been dominant, as reflected in place names, kinship ties, and cultural practices. The study also highlights the role of religion, language, and political developments in shaping identity. It concludes that the Gjuraj–Crnojević family likely had significant Albanian roots.
During the Middle Ages, in the territory of former Zeta (present-day Montenegro), the Balshaj and Crnojević families stand out as two noble families that played an important role in the political and social developments of Montenegrin statehood. The Balshaj family has been the subject of particular attention in Albanian historiography.
In this context, the study by Hajrullah Hajdari, “The Balshaj and Religious Buildings on the Islets of Lake Shkodra”, offers valuable data supported by sources and new historiographical contributions. In honor of this late scholar, I have presented at this scientific symposium some data on the ethnic origin of the Gjuraj–Crnojević family.
In general, ethnic affiliation has always been politicized, since the birth of the state, and even earlier. While the national identity of Albanians, deriving from the non-Romanized autochthonous Illyrians, raises no major doubts in the field of science, the state of knowledge about the origin of the modern Montenegrin nation is somewhat different.
The Illyrians have their part in the ethnogenesis of the South Slavs, and their past and culture are an element of the national history of Croats, Montenegrins, Slovenes, partially Serbs, and above all Albanians (Bojović, 2019:19). Miroslav Ćosović, referring to several scientific disciplines, concludes that “Montenegrins are an autochthonous people whom the Romans called Illyrians.”
The process of adopting the Slavic language lasted until the end of the 15th century and was caused by the cultural advantage of the Slavs (Morozova, 2019:309), with the recognition by the Holy See of their language as a liturgical language in the Church, alongside Latin and Greek. Nevertheless, the ancient Illyrian substratum remained a determining factor in Albanian–Montenegrin historical relations during the early centuries of the Middle Ages.
Archaeological studies testify to cultural continuity in the regions of Northern Albania and present-day Montenegro (Dioclea, Zeta), which continued even after the penetration and settlement of Slavic populations. In these areas, Slavic influence did not manage to completely eliminate or replace the native layer, as happened in some more northern regions.
In light of these findings, earlier theses on the ethnogenesis of this part of the Western Balkans—mainly formulated from a Serbocentric perspective—have been seriously questioned, opening the way for a more balanced reassessment based on scientific data (Xhufi, 2012:125–126).
According to the emperor and historian Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Dioclea was not included among the territories settled by Slavic populations during the time of Emperor Heraclius. While Dalmatia up to the Bay of Kotor became Slavicized, Dioclea remained in the Byzantine orbit, bordering Slavic lands. This situation influenced the formation of its distinct identity already in the early Middle Ages (Xhufi, 2012:125–126).
Unlike the debates on the ethnic origin of Montenegrins and how they have historically self-identified, scholars of Montenegrin history and politics tend to agree on the existence of two distinct proto-national traditions: Serbianism and Montenegrinism. The idea of a distinct Montenegrin origin in relation to Serbs—the concept of Montenegrinism—was mainly articulated by political and cultural elites, while its spread among the general population remained more limited (Erdem, 2023:60).
The Slavs first appeared in the Western Balkans after their large-scale migration across the Danube at the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century. They came into contact with the pre-Slavic local population, which the Byzantines referred to as “Slaveni” (Hladký, 1895:18).
From ancient times to the present day, various folk traditions have circulated about the common origin of certain Montenegrin and Albanian tribes. According to these traditions, these tribes descend from a common ancestor. Although these narratives are based on legends, the possibility that they contain a core of truth cannot be entirely excluded.
The Serbian ethnologist Jovan Erdeljanović also expressed the opinion that these stories are based on an “ancient foundation” and contain “something true.” Montenegrins themselves are aware of another tradition that rejects the idea that Orthodox Montenegrins are Serbs and instead claims that they constitute a distinct ethnic group of mixed Albanian–Slavic–Vlach origin, emphasizing the importance of Montenegro’s divergent history.
A prominent Montenegrin sociologist, Srdjan Darmanović, describes the Montenegrin condition as that of a “national homo duplex, a victim of its dual or divided consciousness” (Roberts, 2007:47). Edith Durham, a century ago, stated: “I am very inclined to believe that the present language and nationality of such tribes—whether now Serbophone, Montenegrin, or Albanophone—has been largely determined by religious affiliation, depending on circumstances, under the influence of the Serbian Orthodox Church or the Roman Catholic Church” (Durham, 2010:453–472).
Meanwhile, Carleton Stevens Coon asserts that “the old Montenegrins were Albanians who became Slavicized at some point: linguistically they are Serbs, but it cannot be doubted that, to a large extent, they are Slavicized Albanians; the cultural continuity between the two peoples is striking, the only real differences being language and religion” (Coon, 1939:154).
Kinship ties between inhabitants with Albanian and Slavic anthroponyms indicate that they too were of Albanian ethnic origin and show which Slavic names were in use within the Albanian ethnos during the 13th–14th centuries (Gashi, 2020).
Supporting a shared Albanian–Montenegrin origin is also their customary tradition. Montenegro, which was largely composed of originally Albanian tribes, was governed by traditional laws very similar to the Kanun. Regulation was gradually implemented by princes who, with persistence and wisdom over a long period, succeeded in providing the territory with a true governmental justice system (Martucci, 2008, 2011:338).
According to Šufflay, “in pre-Ottoman times, Albania existed (though not as a long-lasting political concept) as an ethnogeographical concept, parallel to the political concepts of Bulgaria and Serbia. Montenegro, from a historical point of view, can be considered an illegitimate child of Albania” (Šufflay, 2012:80).
The Albanologist Šufflay described compact Albanian groups near Ragusa and Kotor in the 13th century as “autochthonous Illyrian remnants separated from the Albanian core” and demonstrated the strong spread of the Albanian element in Zeta, evidenced by the names of several old brotherhoods such as Mataguši near Podgorica, Mahini from Pomerania, Malonšići from the Zeta Valley, Mataruge from Grahovo, Golemadi, etc. (Pulaha, 1974:35).
In a charter of Crnojević, ruler of Cetinje in 1485, a territory near present-day Cetinje is also mentioned, including a road leading from Cetinje to Vërtelc, on the right side of “Gjini Hill.”
The Gjuraj–Crnojević clan originates from the village of Kalogjurgje Crnojev, in the northwestern hinterland of Kotor (Pijović, 2018:115). The territorial space where the Crnojević dynasty emerged is considered, based on material sources, an ethnically mixed unit; however, the Albanian element appears to predominate, as evidenced by toponymy, records, and Montenegrin folk memory. Most of the recorded settlements have no meaning in Slavic, while their Albanian roots are easily noticeable.
Doubts about the Albanian root of these words are reinforced by Montenegrin records published in the historical lexicon of “Vijesti” (Podgorica, 2006), which states that the overwhelming majority of more than 12 villages of the Ceklin tribe derive from Leka (Prelvukaj, 2019). Many place names—Cetinje, Ceklina, Barutana, Goljemade, Brezina, Arbanasi, Progonovići, Bridje (Brigje), Kornet, Kruše, Lekići, Kosijeri, Sinjdon (Shingjon), Vranina, Bobija, Lajkovići—have no meaning in any Slavic dialect, while Albanian roots are clearly visible (Prelvukaj, 2019).
Since the Crnojević family “owned estates in Katunska nahija,” it is possible that Lješev Stup was named after Lješ Crnojević, as a former landowner. Lješ is a Slavicized variant of the Albanian name Llesh. Historical sources confirm that Llesh was one of the known nobles of the Crnojević family, supporting Erdeljanović’s claim that the name preserves the memory of an ancient figure (Malja-Imami, Popović, 2021:97).
Based on documents from the Kotor Archives, Llesh Gjurashević–Crnojević in 1403, together with his brother Gjurađ (Gjergj), at the invitation of Ragusa, destroyed the possessions of the Bosnian ruler Sandalj Hranić, whom they considered an enemy due to disputes over Zeta (Jovov, 2014:211). As barons of Zeta, they appear in Venetian documents between 1403–1435 as nephews of Gjuraš Ilijić.
In Njeguši there exists “Lješev Stup” as a place name, along with others such as Lješnica, Lješno, Lješani, Ljeshanska, Ljeshkopolje, etc. (Malja-Imami, Popović, 2021:97). Spiro Kulišić, in his work “On the Ethnogenesis of Montenegrins”, noted that 14th-century registers show mixed populations near Lovćen, combining old Balkan and Slavic elements. Villages recorded in 1326 included individuals with Albanian names such as Gjin and Bardonje (Prelvukaj, 2019).
Historical sources identify the Gjurashević (Gjuraj)–Crnojević family in the medieval period as Catholic, unlike Serbian or Bosnian communities of the time, which were Orthodox. It is difficult to prove the existence of a significant Catholic Serbian population in the region where the Crnojević tribal community developed.
Meanwhile, strong Albanian presence is documented across the area up to the Bay of Kotor. In the 14th century, Dioclea–Zeta appeared to outsiders as a land “of different peoples and religions.” Entire tribes such as Kuči, Markovići, Paštrovići, Piperi, and Gjuraši (Crnojević) were identified as Albanian (Roberts, 2007:6).
Albanian historiography, based on serious sources, treats the Gjuraj–Crnojević family as Albanian and details their activity. The History of the Albanian People notes Venetian opposition to Albanian lords and alliances formed against the Balshaj family involving Gjurashi (Crnojević), Dukagjini, Zaharia, and others.
It also highlights their role in resistance against Serbian rule, placing the Gjurashi at the forefront (Academy of Sciences, 2002:301). Gjurađ Crnojević is sometimes referred to as “Gjergj the Albanian,” while Staniša Crnojević was known as Skanderbeg (Seymour, 1862).
The Gjuraj–Crnojević family ruled a multiethnic territory inhabited by Albanians, Vlachs, and Slavs. Even today, the population of their region of origin does not identify as Serbian, or even Slavic, but as descendants of ancient Illyrian or Romanized Illyrian populations who later adopted Slavic language and Orthodox faith.
They are mentioned in the 14th century as rulers of regions above Budva and the Bay of Kotor (Jovović, 2007). In 1351, Mihailo and Radoslav Crnojević were delegated by Emperor Dušan to define the boundaries of Kotor (Jovović, 2007).
Marriage alliances further confirm their noble status. According to Šufflay, Albanian Catholic dynasties were related to Orthodox princely families such as the Balshaj and Crnojević, as well as Serbian and Byzantine dynasties. Stefan Crnojević married Mara, daughter of Gjon Kastrioti. Gjurađ Crnojević married Gojislava (sister of Gjergj Arianiti) and later Vojisllava (daughter of Lekë Dukagjini). Another Gjurađ married Jela, daughter of Karl Muzaka.
Conclusion
Historical, toponymic, and ethnographic data indicate that the origin of the Gjuraj–Crnojević family is closely linked to the Albanian element in medieval Zeta. The strong Albanian presence in these territories supports the thesis of a mixed ethnic composition in which the indigenous element played a decisive role. Traditions, documents, and historical memory suggest cultural continuity and early Albanian–Montenegrin connections.
