Summary

The article contrasts the “dark” Ottoman period with the Roman era, arguing that Ottoman rule caused great losses for Albanians, citing Skopje as evidence. It criticizes Turkish efforts (via TRT) to rehabilitate this image by promoting a “rising Turkey” narrative based on economic success, democracy, and active foreign policy. The text accuses Turkey of fostering neo-Ottomanism fears while downplaying Balkan historical prejudices and school textbooks that portray Ottomans negatively, ignoring social and religious tolerance. It notes concerns from Western actors and different Muslim responses, concluding that Turkey needs better research to counter anti-Turkish perceptions in the Balkans. (98 words)

No matter how you look at it, the Ottoman period is a dark one. It suffices to compare the Ottoman period with the Roman period — which lasted roughly the same length of time — to understand how much we lost under Ottoman rule.

Look at Skopje, the center of the Kosovo Vilayet, to better understand what Ottoman domination meant for Albania.

Nevertheless, the Turks want to whitewash this dark period by any means necessary. An impossible mission for them.

Read below what is said on TRT in Albanian:

The dynamism observed in recent years in Turkish foreign policy has become a subject of debate even in Balkan countries. In particular, efforts are being made to understand what Turkey wants to do in the Balkans. Based on what has been written in the media of Balkan countries and speeches held about Turkey in various conferences over the past three years, it can be said that two types of perceptions of Turkey exist in the Balkans. On one hand, there is the perception of a rising Turkey, while on the other, certain circles stand out that try to spread the fear of neo-Ottomanism in the Balkans by linking it to Turkey.

The main elements shaping the perception of a rising Turkey are the economic success Turkey has demonstrated in recent years, the improvements it has made in various fields such as democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and Ankara’s active foreign policy. Similarly, some applaud Turkey as a country that manages to integrate democracy, globalism, modernism, and Islamic values within itself.

But besides this positive panorama, in the Balkans there are also those who try to paint a negative picture regarding Turkey. First of all, Turkey’s close interest in the Arab world has created in Balkan countries the perception that Ankara seeks to create an alliance with the Islamic world. Another reason that has sparked debate in Balkan countries regarding Turkish policy is that Ankara tries to act independently from the West in its foreign policy.

It can be said that those who lead the spread of the negative perception regarding Turkey are generally circles and groups that have a prejudiced approach toward Islam. Meanwhile, the historical prejudices that exist against Turks in the Balkans prepare the ground for the success of those working to create the fear of neo-Ottomanism and those who claim that Turkey has a secret agenda for the Balkans.

School textbooks rank among the most influential tools in spreading propaganda against the people of a country. History textbooks, in particular, tend to contain judgments, values, and expressions that are generally acceptable to the public. When the history textbooks used today in Balkan schools are studied, it becomes clear that the Ottomans — whom they identify with the Turks — are not remembered with particularly happy memories.

In these textbooks, the Ottoman period in the Balkans is not treated much from the social, cultural, and religious aspects. To understand Ottoman history more objectively, one must also study the social and cultural life of the Ottoman period in the Balkans, examine family structure, the education system, relations between social groups, and relations between religious institutions and religious groups.

However, since Ottoman history in the Balkans is mostly treated with a narrative focused on the military and political level, the reader does not learn that religious tolerance existed in Ottoman society, that churches were restored during the Ottoman period, and similar topics.

The narrative presented in Balkan history textbooks can also be problematic. For example, not only is an impartial style not used for the Ottomans, but on controversial topics, alternative viewpoints and opinions are not included; expressions written with nationalist, ideological, and political concerns are used. Because of all the above, those who feel concerned by Turkey’s presence in the Balkans do not find it very difficult to gather sympathizers around their anti-Turkish statements.

Turkey’s presence in the Balkans also causes a kind of concern among actors outside the region. In particular, some Western countries are worried about the possibility that Turkey, by strengthening itself economically, will attempt to gain more influence in the Balkans.

Apparently, some European countries believe that if Turkey’s presence in the Balkans increases, they will have a less favorable position in the region. For this reason, it can be said that actors outside the region also contribute to the spread of neo-Ottomanophobia in the Balkans.

The group that views Turkey’s presence in the Balkans most warmly is that of Muslims, who according to official figures constitute approximately 12% of the region’s population. Devout religious figures, who are few in number within the overall Muslim population, approach with great emotion all the activities that Turkey carries out in the Balkans.

Meanwhile, those who present themselves as pro-European and who constitute a larger part of the Balkan Muslims expect Turkey to always act in coordination with Western countries in the Balkans. These Muslims do not want Ankara and Brussels to be in any kind of competition with each other in the Balkans.

High-ranking Turkish officials openly express on every occasion that they support the NATO and EU membership of Western Balkan countries. However, despite this, some circles believe that there is a clash of interests between Ankara and Brussels in the Balkans. Because of this, Western Balkan countries aiming for EU membership are careful not to have too close ties with Turkey, out of concern that this might anger Brussels.

If the strengthening of Turkey’s presence and image in the Balkans is desired, it is necessary to urgently prepare a detailed study that would identify perceptions, prejudices, and expectations regarding Turkey in the Balkans. There is no doubt that such a study would provide important data for the Balkan initiative within the framework of the dynamic foreign policy that Turkey pursues today.

Dr. Erhan Türbedar (Balkan Analyst)
Taken from TRT in the Albanian language.