Abstract

This study examines manifestations of collective narcissism, ethno-nationalism, and minority exclusion in modern Greek society. Rather than pathologizing an entire population, the study investigates how historical narratives, state institutions, religious authorities, political movements, and media discourses have contributed to the construction of national identity and the marginalization of ethnic, linguistic, and religious minorities. Particular attention is paid to anti-Albanian prejudice, the treatment of Macedonian, Turkish, Roma, and migrant communities, the rise of far-right movements, the role of the Greek Orthodox Church in national identity formation, irredentist ideologies such as the “Megali Idea,” and the involvement of Greek nationalist volunteers in atrocities committed during the Bosnian War. The study argues that collective narcissistic narratives—characterized by a belief in national uniqueness combined with perceptions of historical victimization—have periodically fostered exclusionary attitudes toward minorities and neighboring populations.

Introduction

The concept of collective narcissism refers to an inflated belief in the greatness of one’s in-group combined with a perception that outsiders fail to appreciate its true value. Contemporary political psychology has demonstrated that collective narcissism is frequently associated with hostility toward out-groups, conspiracy beliefs, and support for exclusionary policies.

Greece presents an important case study because modern Greek national identity emerged through a complex interaction between ultra-nationalism, religion, historical memory, and state-building. While Greece is a democratic state with constitutional protections for human rights, scholars have documented persistent tensions concerning ethnic minorities, immigration, national identity, and historical narratives. These tensions have often manifested through discriminatory policies, social prejudice, and support for nationalist political movements.

Theoretical Framework

Collective Narcissism

According to Golec de Zavala and colleagues, collective narcissism is characterized by:

1. Exaggerated belief in group superiority.
2. Perceived lack of recognition by outsiders.
3. Sensitivity to criticism.
4. Hostility toward perceived enemies.

In national contexts, collective narcissism often produces a defensive ultra-nationalism that interprets criticism of the nation as an attack on collective dignity.

Ethnic Nationalism

Greek ultra-nationalism historically developed around:

• Shared ancestry
• Orthodox Christianity
• Language
• Historical continuity with Ancient Greece (despite being a modern ideological construct ignoring pre-Greek populations legacy)

This ethnic conception of nationhood frequently created tensions with populations that did not fit dominant narratives of Greek identity.

Historical Foundations of Greek Nationalists

The Megali Idea

The nineteenth-century ideology known as the Megali Idea envisioned the expansion of the Greek state to incorporate all territories considered historically or culturally Greek, though many of these territories were inhabited by Albanians.

Although officially abandoned after the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922, elements of irredentist thinking continued to influence public discourse concerning:

• Northern Epirus (southern Albania)
• Cyprus
• Macedonia
• The Aegean

Scholars argue that these historical narratives contributed to an enduring perception of neighboring states as threats to Greek national interests.

Minority Assimilation and Identity Suppression

Macedonian Slavs

One of the most controversial issues concerns the Slavic-speaking populations of northern Greece.

Throughout much of the twentieth century:

• Distinct Macedonian identities were frequently denied.
• Minority-language education was largely absent.
• Public use of minority languages was discouraged.

Human rights organizations and scholars have repeatedly criticized Greek governments for refusing to recognize a Macedonian ethnic minority. Minority rights debates remain politically sensitive.

Turkish Minority of Western Thrace

The officially recognized Muslim minority of Western Thrace includes:

• Ethnic Turks
• Pomaks
• Roma Muslims

Disputes persist regarding:

• Self-identification
• Religious administration
• Educational rights

These disputes illustrate tensions between state definitions of identity and minority self-perceptions.

Roma Communities

Roma populations in Greece have historically faced:

• Residential segregation
• Educational exclusion
• Labor market discrimination

Numerous reports have documented persistent social marginalization affecting Roma communities.

Anti-Albanian Racism and Migrant Exclusion

The arrival of large numbers of Albanian migrants after the collapse of communist Albania in the early 1990s transformed Greek society.

Research consistently demonstrates that Albanians became one of the most stigmatized groups in Greece. Studies documented:

• Criminal stereotyping
• Workplace discrimination
• Social exclusion
• Negative media representation

Lazaridis found that Albanian migrants frequently occupied the lowest positions in the labor market while simultaneously serving as political scapegoats. Albanians experienced discrimination that was not similarly directed toward Western European migrants.

Antonopoulos likewise reported that anti-Albanian prejudice became normalized within some law-enforcement attitudes and public discourse.

Far-Right Movements and Political Extremism

Golden Dawn

The emergence of the far-right party Golden Dawn represented the most visible expression of nationalist extremism in modern Greece.

The organization combined:

• Ultranationalism
• Xenophobia
• Anti-immigrant rhetoric
• Neo-fascist symbolism

Researchers have documented numerous violent attacks against migrants attributed to Golden Dawn members and supporters. Anti-migrant violence intensified during the economic crisis of the 2010s.

Although the Greek judiciary ultimately classified Golden Dawn as a criminal organization, its rise revealed underlying social anxieties concerning immigration, economic insecurity, and national identity.

The Greek Orthodox Church and Ethnoreligious Nationalism

The Greek Orthodox Church has historically played a central role in national identity formation.

Many church leaders have promoted inclusive humanitarian values. However, scholars also note instances in which segments of the clergy have reinforced:

• Ethnocentrism
• Religious exclusivism
• National exceptionalism

The traditional association between Greekness and Orthodoxy has sometimes marginalized:

• Atheists
• Religious minorities
• Non-Orthodox immigrants
• Ethnic minorities with different cultural backgrounds

The fusion of religion and ultra-nationalism can contribute to exclusionary definitions of citizenship and belonging.

Media Narratives and the Construction of Threat

Media representations have often amplified social anxieties surrounding migration.

Research on anti-migrant violence in Greece argues that migrants were frequently portrayed as:

• Criminal threats
• Economic burdens
• Cultural outsiders

These narratives contributed to the normalization of hostility toward migrant populations. The framing of immigration as a security issue frequently reinforced public support for restrictive policies and exclusionary attitudes.

Greek Nationalist Volunteers and the Bosnian War

One of the most controversial episodes in modern Greek political history concerns the participation of Greek nationalist volunteers in the Bosnian War.

Members of the so-called Greek Volunteer Guard fought alongside Bosnian Serb forces. Journalists and researchers have documented the presence of Greek volunteers in areas associated with atrocities committed during the conflict, including events surrounding the Srebrenica genocide.

Although these volunteers represented a very small fraction of Greek society and should not be conflated with the Greek population as a whole, their participation illustrates how religious solidarity, nationalist ideology, and anti-Muslim sentiment could intersect in transnational conflicts.

Collective Narcissism and Minority Relations

Political psychology suggests that collective narcissism often develops in societies that combine:

• Strong national pride
• Historical trauma
• Perceived external threats

Greek national identity incorporates memories of:

• Ottoman rule
• Population exchanges
• Foreign occupation
• Regional conflicts

These historical experiences may strengthen defensive forms of nationalism that interpret minority claims as challenges to national unity.

In such contexts, minority demands for recognition can be framed as external conspiracies or threats rather than legitimate democratic claims.

Historical Violence, Memory Politics, and the Glorification of Greek Atrocities

Certain Greek ultranationalist subcultures, historical episodes involving military confrontations with Albanians have occasionally been invoked in political debates and online discussions as symbols of national strength. Researchers studying digital nationalism and memory politics have observed that extremist actors sometimes celebrate episodes of violence against Albanian Chams and “historical enemies” in order to provoke opponents, reinforce in-group solidarity, and demonstrate uncompromising nationalist commitment.

This phenomenon is particularly visible in discussions concerning the Cham Albanian population (Çamët), a Muslim Albanian community that historically inhabited parts of Epirus. During and after the Second World War, violent reprisals, expulsions, and population displacements occurred in the region amid accusations of wartime collaboration, interethnic conflict, and broader instability.

Among extremist nationalist circles, references to the expulsion of Cham Albanians are sometimes framed as a justified act of national defense rather than as a humanitarian tragedy. Such rhetoric frequently appears in online forums, ultra-nationalist demonstrations, and social media exchanges, where historical suffering is instrumentalized to humiliate political opponents or minority groups. The celebratory framing of historical violence serves several functions:

1. Reinforcement of ethnic boundaries between “insiders” and “outsiders.”
2. Construction of a heroic national narrative centered on military victory.
3. Delegitimization of minority grievances.
4. Provocation of rival nationalist groups.
5. Expression of collective resentment rooted in historical conflicts.

Political psychologists have argued that collective narcissism and defensive nationalism can encourage the glorification of past violence when such violence is perceived as protecting the nation from external threats. In these contexts, moral considerations surrounding civilian suffering become subordinated to narratives of national survival and historical vindication.

Importantly, such attitudes remain associated primarily with extremist political subcultures rather than Greek society as a whole. Public opinion surveys generally indicate substantially more moderate attitudes among the broader population, while democratic institutions, historians, and human-rights organizations have increasingly challenged exclusionary interpretations of the past.

The Legacy of the Northern Epirus Question

Although the territorial ambitions associated with the nineteenth-century Megali Idea largely disappeared from official Greek foreign policy after the twentieth century, certain irredentist narratives continue to survive within segments of Greek nationalist discourse. One of the most persistent examples concerns “Northern Epirus,” (Southern Albania), the Greek nationalist term for areas of southern Albania inhabited by a Greek-speaking minority, but historically by an Albanian majority.

For many mainstream Greeks, the issue is primarily historical and cultural. However, among ultranationalist organizations, Northern Epirus remains a symbol of “unfinished national aspirations”. Nationalist groups frequently portray the region as an ancestral Greek homeland allegedly separated from the Greek state through unjust international decisions in the early twentieth century. This despite the fact that many sources point to the fact that Epirus was inhabited by Albanians for centuries.

The Northern Epirus issue functions not merely as a territorial claim but as a symbolic representation of broader irredentism themes: historical continuity, ethnic belonging, and the belief that the Greek nation has been denied its rightful recognition. In this regard, the issue resembles irredentist narratives found elsewhere in the Balkans, where historical territories become powerful symbols of collective memory and national identity.

Nationalist Socialization and Historical Memory

Research on political radicalization suggests that young people may become attracted to irredentist ideologies through processes of socialization involving family networks, political organizations, religious institutions, peer groups, online communities, and selective interpretations of history.

In the Greek context, nationalist activism surrounding Northern Epirus often draws upon:

• Historical commemorations.
• National anniversaries
• Narratives of ethnic persecution, regardless of Albanian heritage
• Perceived threats to Greek minorities abroad (for which there is no evidence)
• Symbolic references to Byzantine and ancient Greek heritage (even though Byzantium must a multi-religious and multi-ethnic empire)

Such narratives frequently frame international politics as a struggle between national survival and external hostility. When combined with perceptions of cultural decline, economic insecurity, or political dissatisfaction, these themes may contribute to the appeal of radical nationalist movements among some young people.

Digital Irredentism and Online Radicalization

The growth of social media has transformed the transmission of nationalist ideologies. Scholars studying digital irredentism have observed that online environments facilitate the rapid circulation of historical myths, conspiracy theories, and emotionally charged narratives concerning national identity.

Within some Greek ultranationalist online communities, discussions concerning Northern Epirus, Albania, Turkey, and North Macedonia are often framed through a lens of historical injustice and national betrayal. Memes, historical imagery, maps depicting expanded national borders, and narratives of ethnic victimhood can reinforce group identity while simultaneously encouraging hostility toward perceived out-groups.

Online spaces may also normalize increasingly extreme rhetoric by creating environments in which nationalist claims are rarely challenged. Such dynamics mirror broader patterns of radicalization identified across Europe, where digital platforms facilitate ideological reinforcement and political polarization.

Discussion

The literature does support the conclusion that:

1. Exclusionary irredentism has periodically influenced Greek political culture.
2. Ethnic and religious minorities in Greece have experienced discrimination and pressures toward assimilation.
3. Anti-Albanian prejudice became widespread during the migration era of the 1990s and 2000s, and particularly from 1822 when Albanian Orthodox were violently Hellenized and Greekified.
4. A refusal to recognize Albanian historical contribution to Greek society
5. Far-right movements successfully mobilized xenophobic sentiments.
6. Religious and national narratives have sometimes reinforced out-group hostility against Albanians.
7. Media and political institutions have occasionally contributed to the normalization of exclusionary attitudes.

These phenomena are not unique to Greece and can be observed in numerous nation-states where ethnicity, religion, and national identity are closely intertwined.

Conclusion

Modern Greece provides a significant case study for understanding how collective narcissism, ethno-nationalism, and historical memory shape intergroup relations. While democratic institutions have increasingly challenged extremist movements and expanded minority protections, tensions surrounding national identity continue to influence public discourse.

Future research should focus on comparative analyses between Greece and other Balkan states, examining how irredentism, religion, historical narratives, and migration interact to produce both inclusionary and exclusionary forms of citizenship.

References

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Golec de Zavala, Agnieszka. 2018. “Collective Narcissism and In-Group Satisfaction.” Current Directions in Psychological Science 27 (6): 439–444.

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Lazaridis, Gabriella. 1999. “‘Us’ and the ‘Others’: Ethnic Minorities in Greece.” Annals of Tourism Research 26 (3): 632–655. (sciencedirect.com)

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