Written by: Nehat Hyseni
The Republic of Kosovo is today facing one of the most difficult moments in its institutional life. What was initially presented as a political project of change, liberation from the establishment and placing politics at the service of the citizen, risks ending in a deep crisis of institutions, democracy and the very trust of citizens in their state.
At the center of this situation lies the phenomenon of charismatic populism of the Vetëvendosje Movement and its leader, Albin Kurti. The problem is not the existence of a strong party or a leader with significant electoral support. The problem begins when popular support turns into the belief that only one subject, only one leader, and only one political interpretation represent the will of the people.
This is the moment when democracy begins to risk transforming from a system of pluralism into a system of personalization of power.
Charismatic populism, in fragile institutional circumstances, can be particularly dangerous. It builds a direct relationship between the leader and “the people,” presenting itself as the defender of the general interest and treating political opponents as obstacles to that interest. Thus, an artificial division is created: “we, the people” versus “them!”
But the Republic cannot function on this logic.
The Republic is bigger than a party, bigger than a leader, and bigger than any election result. The electoral mandate is important, but it is not a license to place the party above the Constitution, the leader above the institutions, and the party interest above the state interest.
One of the greatest paradoxes of populist politics is that it can arise as a revolt against the system, but once it comes to power, it risks creating a new system centered around itself.
In opposition, populism feeds on discontent. It promises change, justice, the fight against corruption, meritocracy, sovereignty, and a stronger state. These are legitimate demands of any democratic society.
But when populism enters government, the yardstick is no longer rhetoric. The yardstick is the functioning of the state: Are the institutions functioning? Is the Constitution respected? Is the Assembly functioning? Is there political dialogue? Is the opposition respected? Are relations with international partners stable? Is there economic and institutional stability? And above all: is the state stronger than it was before?
These are the questions that cannot be avoided today.
If a political project that promised to strengthen the state ends in institutional deadlock, then serious reflection is necessary. It is not enough to blame political opponents. It is not enough to say that “others” are to blame. A state leader must also have the moral and political strength to ask himself: Where did we go wrong?
THE CURRENT CRISIS IS A WATCH FOR THE REPUBLIC!
The current situation is no longer an ordinary disagreement between parties. It is taking on the alarming proportions of a crisis of institutional functioning.
When institutions fail to be constituted and when political parties remain locked in endless calculations for power, citizens begin to lose faith that democracy is capable of producing solutions.
This is extremely dangerous for a young and still institutionally fragile Republic like Kosovo.
Kosovo does not have the luxury of endless crises. It needs functional institutions, a stable economy, investment, development, the rule of law, strong relations with Euro-Atlantic allies, and a coordinated foreign policy.
Every day lost in party conflict is a day lost for the state!
Any institutional blockade is a weakening of the authority of the Republic!
Any unnecessary clash between institutions is a blow to democratic culture.
And any attempt to justify this situation solely with the vote of citizens is a misinterpretation of democracy itself!
The vote provides a mandate for governance, while the Constitution determines the limits of the mandate.
At this critical moment, the main political responsibility falls on all actors, but especially on those who have had and have the greatest weight in the country’s politics.
Therefore, Albin Kurti should do what normal leaders do when the state enters a crisis: stop the political battle for a moment and think about the Republic.
Reflection is not weakness. Retreating from a wrong stance is not defeat. Compromise is not betrayal and dialogue is not capitulation!
On the contrary, in a democracy, the ability to compromise when the functioning of the state is at risk is a sign of political maturity.
Kosovo does not need a leader who wins every rhetorical battle, but a leader who knows how to avoid losing the state in a political conflict.
This is the true test of leadership!
If Kurti wants to go down in history as an important figure in Kosovo’s state-building, then he must understand that state-building does not end with winning the elections. On the contrary, that is where the greatest responsibility begins.
The leader of a majority must also be the leader of those who did not vote for him.
This is the essence of democracy!
THE REPUBLIC CANNOT BE
HOSTAGE OF POPULIST CHARISMA
Kosovo must be freed from a political culture where everything is measured by the leader.
No leader is irreplaceable!
No party is the state!
No parliamentary majority is above the Constitution.
No election result can justify the institutional blockade.
And no political charisma can be more important than the stability of the Republic.
This is why the phenomenon of charismatic populism needs to be analyzed more seriously. It can mobilize citizens, create hope, and break old political monopolies. But if it is not constrained by institutions, law, and a culture of compromise, it can produce the opposite effect: polarization, isolation, distrust, and institutional crisis.
A fragile Republic cannot afford such an experiment without serious consequences.
The way out of the crisis cannot come from harsh statements or from constant blaming of opponents.
It requires a minimum political pact for the functioning of the Republic.
First, the functionality of institutions must be restored.
Secondly, the Constitution must be respected without partisan interpretations.
Third, a serious dialogue must be developed between the ruling party and the opposition.
Fourth, the culture of parliamentary compromise must be restored.
Fifth, coordination with Kosovo’s strategic allies should be strengthened.
And finally, it must be understood that the interest of the state cannot be held hostage to electoral interest.
This does not require anyone to give up their political beliefs. On the contrary, it requires that political beliefs be placed within the framework of the democratic state.
CONCLUSION: KOSOVO NEEDS
A LEADER WHO KNOWS HOW TO STOP THE CRISIS
Kosovo today does not need more clashes. It needs responsibility.
There is no need for more populism. There is a need for more institutionalism.
There is no need for the cult of the leader. There is a need for strengthening institutions.
There is no need for party triumphalism. There is a need for state compromise.
If the charismatic populism of LVV and Albin Kurti continues to function on the logic of permanent confrontation, the risk is not only the consumption of a party or a leader. The risk is much greater: the weakening of citizens’ trust in the Republic and the degradation of democratic culture.
This is why the moment calls for reflection.
Albin Kurti must understand that history does not judge leaders only by how hard they fought for power, but also by how well they knew how to defend the state when power was put to the test.
Today, the test is not who will win the political battle.
The test is whether Kosovo will emerge from the crisis stronger or weaker.
If Kurti has the political and state strength to make this turn, he can still contribute to turning this crisis into a democratic lesson.
If not, the populism that once promised “the salvation of the country” may be remembered precisely for the consequences it left behind in a still fragile Republic.
Therefore, today a clear call must be heard: THE CONSTITUTION OVER THE PARTY! THE REPUBLIC OVER THE LEADER! DEMOCRACY OVER POWER! DIALOGUE OVER CONFRONTATION AND THE STATE OVER PARTY INTEREST!
Because Kosovo may have many parties, many leaders, and many elections. But there is only one Republic, and no one dares to lose that Republic in the struggle for power!
Presevo, August 14, 2026
