Novi Pazar Family Origins / Origins of Novi Pazar Families

Novi Pazar Family Origins / Origins of Novi Pazar Families

Translated by Petrit Latifi.

ETHNOHISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF FAMILY ORIGINS OF NOVI PAZAR

Referenced Book Chapter from Eyüp Mušović’s 1979 Work

Reference chapter based on the 1979 work by Ejup Mušović

Basic source / Osnovni izvor:

Ejup Mušović, Ethnic processes and ethnic structure of the population of Novi Pazar

Belgrade, 1979, pp. 127–279

I. TURKISH BOOK CHAPTER

Ethnohistorical Analysis of Novi Pazar Family Origins: Migration, Tribal Origin, Islamization, and Urbanization

Own

This section analyzes pages 127–279 of Ejup Mušović’s 1979 work, Etnički procesi i etnička struktura stanovništva Novog Pazara, which are devoted to the families of Novi Pazar, as an ethnohistorical whole. The family entries show that Novi Pazar is not a city of a single origin, but rather a crossroads of migrations that took place over centuries between Pešter, Sjenica, Tutin/Štavica, Rožaje, Bihor, Bijelo Polje, Plav-Gusinje, Kolašin, northern Montenegro, Kosovo, and Malësia. Among the most frequently repeated signs of origin in the source are tribal or fraternal names such as Kelmendi/Klimenti, Kuči, Hoti, Vasojevići, Škrijelj/Škrel, and Šalje.

This data shows that modern ethnic identities cannot be directly translated into historical ancestry categories; The study reveals that religion, language, ancestry, and national identity changed at different rates and in different periods. It also argues that the major population movements after 1878, 1912, and 1945 reshaped the family structure of Novi Pazar and that there is a significant historical stratification between the old urban elite (agha-bey-ulema) and the new urban population arriving from surrounding villages. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 127–279)

Keywords: Novi Pazar, Sandžak, family origins, Kelmendi, Hoti, Kuči, Škrijelj, Šalje, Vasojevići, Bihor, Pešter, migration.

1. Introduction

Understanding the family history of Novi Pazar is not possible simply by classifying present-day surnames. Mušović’s family entries show that the same lineage can be divided into different religious and national identities, that the same surname can be borne by families of different origins, and that a family can reach Novi Pazar through multiple settlements over several generations. Therefore, the family history of Novi Pazar is more a history of mobility, transformation, and urbanization than a mere etymology of surnames. In this respect, the entries in the work constitute a micro-historical database. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 127–279)

The terms “Muslim,” “Albanian,” “Serbian,” “Montenegrin,” “Klimenti,” “Kuči,” or “Hoti” used by Mušović should be evaluated within the context of Yugoslav ethnographic terminology of the 1970s. The term “Muslim,” in particular, may reflect not only religious affiliation but also the official and societal ethno-national category of the time. Therefore, the tribal origin given for a family in the source should not be directly equated with today’s national identity.

2. Sources and Methods

The primary source for this section is Ejup Mušović’s work, Etnički procesi i etnička struktura stanovništva Novog Pazara, published in 1979 by the Ethnographic Institute of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The analysis is based on pages 127–279 of the work, under the heading “Individual entries on Novi Pazar families.” The family entries are read comparatively under the headings of geography of origin, tribal/fraternal affiliation, religious conversion, surname change, urbanization, migration to Turkey, and social status. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 127–279)

Methodological note: This study does not claim to be a genetic genealogy. The family narratives used by Mušović, oral tradition, local memory, and the ethnographic literature of the period were considered together. In the source, “probably,”

Expressions such as “according to legend” or “they consider themselves…” are not here transformed into definitive historical judgments.

3. The Geographical Basin of Family Formation in Novi Pazar

When family data is considered as a whole, it is seen that the main population basin of Novi Pazar was formed along the Pešter Sjenica-Tutin, Rožaje-Bihor-Bijelo Polje, Plav-Gusinje-Kolašin and Kosova-Rugova lines. Many families did not come to Novi Pazar directly from a distant center; they first moved to a mountainous or rural intermediate region, then to a town or village, and finally to the city. For example, the Ljajićs spread to Pešter via the Rugova-Kelmendi connection, migrated from there to Novi Pazar from early times, and reached more than fifty families in the city. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 209–210)

This multi-stage mobility explains Novi Pazar’s function as a “center of attraction.” The city became a center through which the surrounding mountainous communities gradually urbanized, thanks to trade, crafts, religious education, administrative duties, and a market economy. Surnames derived from place names such as Bihorci, Rožajci, Ugljani, Tuzinjci, Vučjelokovići, Hrvatani, and the like are direct linguistic traces of this process. Mušović’s mention of over fifty families bearing the name Bihorci in his entry demonstrates the scale of regional migration. (Mušović, 1979, p. 142)

4. Malësor-Albanian Tribal Layer

One of the most visible historical layers in Mušović’s family entries is that of communities originating from Malësor, such as Kelmendi/Klimenti, Hoti, Šalje, and Škrijelj/Škrel. The Abraši, Agić, Agović, Arapović, Avdić, Batkić, and many other families are linked to Kelmendi/Klimenti origins. Hoti origins are seen in the Ahmetović, Bejtović, some Ajdinović branches, families around Kovač, and numerous other entries. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 128–142)

The entry for Hoti explicitly identifies the community as one of the Malësor tribes; it states that they settled in numerous villages of the Novi Pazar Sanjak in the early 18th century, were initially Catholic, later converted to Islam, and that many families abandoned the name Hoti and adopted new surnames. This is significant because it shows that a modern Slavic-style surname may have historically originated from Malësor. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 184–185)

The Škrijelj/Škrel issue is one of the most illustrative examples of ethnic transformation. Mušović identifies the Škrijelj’s homeland as Shkrel in Malësia; he states that they came to Sandžak via Rugova, spread to Pešter and Bihor during the same period as the Kelmendi migrations, and became Islamized over time. The longer preservation of the Albanian language in Upper Pešter, especially in Boroštica and Gradac, and conversely, the earlier loss of linguistic and ethnic characteristics by the branches in Bihor, demonstrates that the identity transformation was not regionally simultaneous. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 260–261)

5. Kuči, Vasojevići and Montenegro-Brda Layer

The second major axis in Novi Pazar family origins is the Montenegrin and Brda communities, such as the Kuči, Vasojevići, Drobnjaci, Piperi, Bjelopavlići, Moračani, and Rovčani. The source indicates that Kuči origins are found in both Muslim and Serbian/Orthodox families. A branch of the Ademovićs, the Alibašićs, a section of the Bajrovićs, and families like the Ljuce and Ljuhari are described as “Islamized Kuči,” while the Andrić, Lazović, and some other Serbian families are also linked to Kuči origins. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 128, 130, 137, 207–210)

This table shows that religious boundaries are not always ancestral boundaries. The Biševac entry indicates that one of the two brothers converted to Islam, forming the Muslim branch, while the other formed the Serbian/Orthodox branch; both branches still exist today.

It is reported that they consider each other relatives. Similar examples are seen in families of Vasojevići origin. Therefore, in Novi Pazar and its surroundings, there are older fraternal networks that are common or intersecting under modern religious and national categories. (Mušović, 1979, p. 143)

6. Major Ancestry Layers and Sample Families

Origin axisexemplary familiesTypical line of motionAnalytical meaning
Kelmendi / ClementAbraši, Agić, Agović,Arapović, Avdić, Batkić,LjajicMalësia/Rugova →Pester/Rozaje → Novi PazarA long-term transformation spanning from Catholicism to Islamization and surname changes.
HotiAhmetović, Bejtović, some Ajdinović and Kovač branchesHighlands →Pešter/Tutin/Sandžak villages → Novi PazarThe disappearance of tribal names and the spread of new surnames.
Skrijelj / SkrelGračani, Zeknić, Zenković and various Škrijelj tributariesShkrel → Rugova →Pester/Bihor → Novi PazarLanguage, religion, and ethnic self-identification change at different rates.
HomeAdemović, Alibašić, Bajrović, Ljuce, Ljuhari; someAndrić/Lazović branchesBrda/Montenegro →Bihor/Rozaje/Tutin → Novi PazarSame tribal originMuslim and Orthodoxseen in the arms
Vasojevići and other BrdaArsenijević, some Božović, Radojević, Vukić branchesNorthern Montenegro →Sjenica/Rogozna/Ibar basin → Novi PazarShared kinship ties transcend modern national borders.
Ottoman urban familiesMuderizović, Muratbegović, Tahirbegović, Saračević,SabanagicAdministrative/religious/commercial centers → Novi PazarThe formation of the urban elite consisting of landowners, beys, scholars, and artisans.

7. Religious Conversion, Language Loss, and Identity Transformation

Mušović’s material shows that religious conversion around Novi Pazar often did not occur at a single historical moment. In the examples of Kelmendi, Hoti, and Škrijelj, it is understood that the Catholic population was Islamized over a long period; in some places, the Albanian language was preserved for generations even after Islamization. In the case of Škrijelj, Mušović’s concept of “denationalization,” which he used in the terminology of his time, shows that religious conversion and linguistic and ethnic self-identification changes are interconnected but not simultaneous processes. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 260–261)

Therefore, the concepts of “Albanian origin,” “Montenegrin origin,” “Muslim,” “Serbian,” and “Bosniak” should not be used on the same analytical level. Ancestry/tribal origin, historical spoken language, religion, and modern national identity should be considered as four separate variables. A family being of Kalmandi origin in the 18th century, converting to Islam in the 19th century, speaking a Slavic language in the 20th century, and later adopting a Bosniak identity are not historically mutually exclusive situations.

8. Surname Changes and Micro-History

One of the most striking aspects of Novi Pazar family history is the high variability of surnames. Surnames are sometimes derived from the name of a village, sometimes from a profession, sometimes from a religious or administrative position, and sometimes from the name of an ancestor or mother. The derivation of different surnames from the Derašović lineage, such as Ajdinović, Ujkanović, Sokolović, Danović, and Muminović, clearly demonstrates that a one-to-one relationship cannot be established between surname and origin. (Mušović, 1979, p. 129)

Similarly, the name Tabaković reflects the tanning profession, Saračević the saddlery, Muderizović the teaching, Bajraktarević the flag-bearing; and names like Rožajci, Ugljani, Tuzinjci, and Suvodolci reflect the settlements from which they originated. Therefore, in Novi Pazar, a surname with Slavic forms does not necessarily prove that the family is of Slavic origin; likewise, a surname with Albanian or Ottoman connotations is not, by itself, an indicator of recent ethnic origin.

9. The Old Urban Elite and Rural Urbanization

Mušović’s records show that before 1912, Novi Pazar had a powerful class of landowners, beys, scholars, and merchants. The Šabanagić family is a striking example: the source recounts family history of owning “the keys to a hundred shops,” a large mill on the Raška River, and numerous estates. After 1912, a significant portion of these and similar old urban families emigrated to Turkey, while some of those remaining lost economic power due to the agrarian reform and the new political order. (Mušović, 1979, p. 256)

Conversely, after 1945, Novi Pazar experienced a significant influx of population from surrounding villages. The number of families from Pešter, Sjenica, Tutin, Bihor, and Rožaje is cited in many sources as being in the tens. Thus, in the second half of the 20th century, the city’s population consisted of a blend of former Ottoman urban families and a newly urbanized population of rural origin. This transformation created a significant difference in family composition between Novi Pazar before 1912 and Novi Pazar in the 1970s.

10. Four Major Historical Turning Points

The recurring migration histories in family records can be grouped around four main turning points. Firstly, the settlement of Malësor communities such as Kelmendi, Hoti, Šalje, and Škrijelj along the Pešter, Bihor, and Rožaje line around 1700. Secondly, the large-scale movement from Nikšić, Kolašin, Podgorica, Plav-Gusinje, and the Bihor area towards Sandžak following the 1878 Berlin Congress and the expansion of Montenegro’s borders. Thirdly, the migration of particularly Muslim urban and landowning families to Turkey after the Balkan Wars of 1912. Fourthly, the intense internal migration from surrounding villages to Novi Pazar between 1945 and 1970, and the simultaneous external migration to Turkey. (Mušović, 1979, pp. 127–279)

11. Conclusion

The main conclusion drawn from Mušović’s family data is that the ethnogenesis of Novi Pazar is not the product of a single people or a single wave of migration. The modern Novi Pazar family structure is a result of the overlapping of Malësor-Albanian tribal migrations, Kuči and other communities of Brda/Montenegrin origin, internal circulation between Bihor-Pešter-Rožaje-Sjenica, Ottoman urban administrative and religious elites, the 1878 and 1912 refugee movements, and post-1945 rural urbanization.

In this context, the presence of Malësor origins such as Kelmendi/Klimenti, Hoti, Šalje and Škrijelj, as well as Kuči, Vasojevići and other Brda clans, within both Muslim and Orthodox family histories, demonstrates that today’s national borders do not always coincide with historical ancestral boundaries. The family history of Novi Pazar,

It is a history of long-term mixing, renaming, religious conversion, language change, and urbanization processes, rather than separation.

Source

Mušović, E. (1979). Ethnic processes and ethnic structure of the population of Novi Pazar. Belgrade: Ethnographic Institute of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Analyzed part: pp. 127–279.

Reference note: The assessments of Lutovac, Vešović, Jovićević, Šobajić, and other researchers mentioned in this chapter are used as presented by Mušović unless otherwise indicated; this study does not aim to provide an independent bibliographical verification of these secondary sources.

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